Manual Geheimnisse der lusitanischen Küche: Originalrezepte aus Portugal (German Edition)

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Synonyms and antonyms of Portugal in the German dictionary of synonyms
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For more recent exchange rates, please use the Universal Currency Converter. Number of bids and bid amounts may be slightly out of date. See each listing for international shipping options and costs. Dans certains domaines, ltude en laboratoire des pigments apporte des informations importantes. Prenons un exemple simple : un panneau peint italien du XVe sicle reprsentant une Vierge au manteau. A loeil nu, le bleu du manteau de la Vierge, place au centre du panneau, nous semblera identique aux autres bleus que lon peut voir ailleurs sur le panneau pour peindre dautres figures.

Mais en laboratoire, on pourra constater que le manteau de la Vierge est peint avec du lapis-lazuli un pigment trs cher au XVe tandis que les autres figures sont peintes avec des pigments plus ordinaires, de lazurite par exemple, ou bien de lindigo. Loeil ne voit pas la diffrente mais elle existe et est importante, notamment pour le commanditaire et pour lartiste.

Dans ce choix de diffrents pigments bleus pour peindre les diffrentes figures du panneau, il y a des enjeux conomiques, cultuels, symboliques. La Vierge est mise en valeur, honore, vnre mme par le choix dune matire colorante de trs grand prix, et pourtant le spectateur ne sen rend pas compte. Cela nous en dit long sur les pratiques mdivales de la couleur et de la matire. Resumo A investigao sobre manuscritos medievais iluminados ainda muito dominada por uma anlise baseada no estilo e na iconografia.

Alm disso, a maioria dos estudos sobre texto-e-imagem concentram-se no contedo e no significado simblico da iluminura, enquanto questes ligadas materialidade e paginao, que se situem para alm da anlise codicolgica, so muitas vezes ignoradas. O mesmo acontece com a anlise das cores: a investigao tem-se focado no seu significado religioso, dinstico ou ritual, considerando-as categorias abstractas sem uma materialidade especfica.

Mesmo um especialista em pigmentos medievais como Heinz RoosenRunge Roosen-Runge , seguiu a tradio iconogrfica da histria da arte e interpretou as cores com base na sua funo, por exemplo, como meio de representao transcendental de ideias e ideais. Pelo contrrio, historiadores como Michel Pastoureau Pastoureau, trabalhando para uma histria social das cores, sublinharam a importncia dos pigmentos e do seu simbolismo especfico, e no de conceitos abstractos, para um melhor conhecimento da percepo medieval da cor. A tese de Pastoureau baseou-se principalmente na sua investigao sobre o papel da cor no vesturio e txteis medievais.

Com esta contribuio, desejo demonstrar que se tomaram atitudes semelhantes sobre a materialidade da cor em manuscritos iluminados. A recente investigao interdisciplinar sobre o Codex Aureus Epternacensis, produzido em torno a no mosteiro beneditino de Echternach, conservado no Germanisches Nationalmuseum em Nuremberg, lanou uma nova luz sobre a conscincia que os iluminadores e seus patronos tinham da materialidade da cor e do seu valor. As minhas reflexes basearam-se na anlise cientfica do Codex Aureus levada a cabo por Doris Oltrogge e Robert Fuchs Fuchs and Oltragge e, nas minhas prprias pesquisas sobre o uso e esttica das cores na Idade Mdia Grebe O precioso Evangelirio contem mais de 40 miniaturas a pgina inteira, pintadas por vrios iluminadores de oficina.

Os iluminadores usaram uma paleta muito variada de cores e tons, por exemplo, o vermelho ou prpura no so apenas representados por um, mas por dois ou mais pigmentos. Entre eles encontramos os muito raros e dispendiosos pigmentos exticos, como o lpis-lazli ou o quermes, que foram abundantemente usados neste manuscrito quando comparado com outros manuscritos romnicos. Esta observao permite colocar como hiptese, que os iluminadores de Echternach e os seus patronos quiseram de facto usar o maior nmero possvel de cores e as mais dispendiosas, para incluir a mxima variedade de cores no Evangelirio Dourado.

Outro nvel de conscincia cromtica revelou-se pelo facto de muitas miniaturas do ciclo com a Vida de Cristo e a miniatura em duplo folio da Maiestas Domini fol. O retoque da maioria das carnaes e fundos pode ser interpretado, numa primeira anlise, como um restauro esttico. Surpreendentemente, os iluminadores no alteraram as composies na sua globalidade ou as formas das cabeas ou mos, em vez disso, mudaram apenas o tom da pele e os fundos. O motivo foi, provavelmente, o de evitar contrastes violentos e unificar cromaticamente os duplo flios executados por diferentes iluminadores.

O Codex Aureus Epternacensis , assim, a prova da elevada sensibilidade do perodo romnico aos valores cromticos e virtudes materiais de cores e pigmentos, que sero discutidos neste artigo. Abstract Research on medieval manuscript illumination is still dominated by the analysis of style and iconography. Also, most word-and-image studies concentrate on the content and the symbolical meaning of a miniature, whereas questions of materiality and layout beyond codicology are often neglected. The same is true for the analysis of colours: research so far focuses on the religious, dynastical or ritual symbolism of colours that are considered as abstract categories without a specific materiality.

Even a specialist in medieval pigments like Heinz Roosen-Runge Roosen-Runge followed the iconographical tradition of art history and interpreted colours with regard to their function, e. On the contrary, historians like Michel Pastoureau Pastoureau , working towards a social history of colours, have underlined the importance of pigments and their specific symbolism instead of abstract colour terms for a better understanding of the medieval notion of colours. Pastoureaus thesis is based primarily on his investigations into the role of colours in medieval clothing and textiles.

In my contribution, I am trying to show that similar attitudes towards the materiality of colours are manifested in medieval manuscripts. Recent interdisciplinary research on the Codex Aureus Epternacensis, made around in the Benedictine monastery of Echternach, now in the Germanisches Nationalmuseum in Nuremberg has shed new light on the consciousness illuminators and patrons had of the materiality of colours and their respective value.

My reflections are based on the technological examination of the Codex Aureus carried out by Doris Oltrogge and Robert Fuchs Fuchs and Oltrogge and my own research on the use and aesthetics of colours in the Middle Ages Grebe The precious Gospel Book contains more than 40 full-page miniatures painted by several illuminators of the Ottonian Echternach workshop.

The illuminators used a very varied palette of different colours and tones, e. Among them we find many rare and expensive exotic pigments like lapis lazuli or kermes, which have been abundantly used in this manuscript compared to other Romanesque manuscripts. This observation leads to the hypothesis that the Echternach illuminators and their patrons explicitly wished to use as many and costly colours as possible to include the maximal variety of colours in the Golden Gospel Book.

Another level of chromatic awareness is revealed by the fact that many miniatures in the cycle with the Life of Christ and the double page miniature of the Majestas Domini fol. The reworking of most of the fleshy parts and backgrounds can tentatively be interpreted as aesthetical restoration. Surprisingly, the illuminators did not alter the whole composition or touch the forms of the heads and hands, instead, they only changed the tone of the complexion and backgrounds.

The reason was probably to avoid violent colour contrasts and to chromatically unify double-pages executed by different illuminators. The Codex Aureus Epternacensis thus proves the high sensibility of the Romanesque period towards chromatic values and material virtues of Agradecimentos por ajuda na configurao do texto e sugestes article.

From Material to Medium 1. Letter to Jakob Heller dated November 4, , ed. Rupprich , In , Albrecht Drer started to work on a large altarpiece depicting the Assumption of the Virgin Anzelewsky , ; Kutschbach , ; Decker ; Grebe , ; Pfaff The execution of the painting, which took Drer more than one and a half years to complete, was accompanied by an extensive correspondence with the patron, the Frankfurt merchant Jakob Heller. Heller repeatedly complained about the delayed completion of the altarpiece and threatened to withdraw his commission.

Drer countered the reproach by pointing to the quality of the execution and his use of the best and most beautiful colours available. These included vltermarin, or lapis lazuli, worth more than 20 ducats, which he claimed to have applied in 5 to 6 layers. His arguments were: a painting executed with the maximum amount of materia and ingenium needed more time to finish, and it had its price which Heller actually agreed to pay when he finally saw the painting.

The Heller correspondence underlines the importance which was attached to certain colours and pigments at the beginning of the 16th century. Lapis lazuli, for instance, did not only provide a blue tone, but also represented quality and prestige Pastoureau ; Fuchs and Oltrogge ; Bender The Latin name, ultramarin, points to the far-off, exotic, and even mystical origin of the colour prepared on the basis of Afghan lapis lazuli, which was the most expensive pigment apart from gold and was therefore used as distinguishing feature in painting throughout the Middle-.

Drer probably used lapis lazuli for the blue cape of the Virgin thus enhancing its inherent symbolical value by the use of the precious and prestigious material. In his letters to Heller, however, Drer does not mention the religious symbolism of colours, but insists on the value of the colour in its literal, material sense. One should think that the primacy of materia would have been outdated in the age after Alberti.

According to Monika Wagner, Alberti marks the beginning of modern colour aesthetics: Since Leon Battista Alberti [] colour was no longer judged by its material value. Now, its task was to simulate all kinds of other materials on the surface of the image. Wagner , Unfortunately, the original panel was destroyed by a fire in the Ducal Palace in Munich in B , which, however, does not allow any judgement about the paints or pigments used.

Welchman , esp. Although colors were perceived through sight the highest of senses they were still a part of the non-celestial substance of which humankind was made. The only way to elevate the colorful, and hence intrinsically sensual, human sense of sight was to celebrate the divine nature of light. Colours in medieval book illumination: Colour systems and attempts at interpretation In his Theory of Colours Farbenlehre of , Johann Wolfgang von Goethe gave priority to the metaphysics as opposed to the materiality of colours Schmidt He described colours as acts of light, referring to medieval colour theories, where colours are described as reflections of the immaterial divine light which Saint Augustine had designated as queen of all colours.

Released from all referential tasks colours could now function as vocabulary in the system of colour symbolism Dittmann , Although Heinz Roosen-Runge, in his fundamental study on the Colours and Techniques of Early Medieval Book Illumination, puts his main focus on the material nature of colours, he nevertheless interprets them as a means of representation for transcendental truth Roosen-Runge , vol. Today, research on medieval manuscript illumination continues to be dominated by the analysis of style and iconography.

Also, most word-and-image studies concentrate on the content and the symbolical meaning of a miniature, whereas questions of materiality and layout, which go beyond codicological issues, are often neglected. The same is true for the analysis of colours: research focuses mainly on the religious, dynastical or ritual symbolism of colours which are considered as abstract categories without a specific materiality.

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In view of the role of colours as bearers of meaning Bedeutungstrger in medieval art and culture one has to ask for the specific use of colours as well as the value s attached to them in the literal and figurative sense to fully understand a work of art. Pastoureau , Avant tout codage extra-pictural, venant de lextrieur, la couleur est dabord code de lintrieur, par et pour un document donn. Until now, such questions have mainly been asked by historians. Michel Pastoureau, above all, has been working towards a social history of colours histoire sociale des couleurs , that takes into consideration the percipient against the backdrop of his culture, ideas, experiences and sensitivity Pastoureau , According to Pastoureau, research into the use of colours in the Middle Ages should not be based on abstract theory but on the objects and their specific colouring in which the polysemantic and multifunctional character colours is manifested.

The case of the red pigment called sanguinis draconis, for instance, clearly shows that it is necessary to develop a kind of pigment symbolism instead of abstract colour terms to help with our understanding of the medieval notion of colours: Quand au XVe sicle un peintre utilise pour tel lment de son tableau le clbre pigment sang-dragon plutt que tel ou tel autre pigment rouge, cest sans doute pour des raisons la fois conomiques, techniques et artistiques, lies au prix de ce pigment, son pouvoir couvrant, aux effets quil permet dobtenir, mais cest aussi et surtout pour des raisons symboliques, lies au nom mme de ce pigment et aux rves que ce nom suscite chez lartiste et son public.

Pastoureau , The values of colour between consciousness of material Materialbewusstsein , symbolic function and aesthetics Michel Pastoureaus thesis is based primarily on his investigations into the role of colours in medieval clothing and textiles. In the following, I would like to show that medieval manuscripts manifest similar attitudes towards the materiality of colours. The investigations of Heinz Roosen-Runge and Johan Jakob Tikkanen Tikkanen , have shown that medieval illuminators possessed a very detailed knowledge of colours and pigments, which was transmitted orally, by written treatises such as the Mappae Clavicula, the Heraclius or the Theophilus, and by numerous individual collections of recipes and guidelines Oltrogge ; Gullick ; Roosen-Runge ; Bartl et.

These texts consist mainly of practical instructions in the preparation and handling of colours. Sometimes however, the introductory remarks contain theoretical reflections on the meaning of colours as well as on the conjunction of materia and ingenium. A 12th-century copy of the Mappae Clavicula provides an example: The arts are learned little by little, step by step. The art of painting is preceded by the preparation of colours. Thus, you should first pay attention to the mixing of each colour.

Only then should you start on the actual work, but you. This book shows how artistry in combination with ingenuity will enhance your work. Halleux , 5 In the Early Romanesque period, it is not only treatises, but the works of art themselves which testify to the awareness of illuminators and patrons towards the materiality of colours and their respective value. Up to now, nearly all attempts to draw up a kind of general chromatic grammar or system of colour symbolism based on the use of colours in illuminated manuscripts have failed.

It has become clear that the application and distribution of colours varies from book to book, even when entire pictorial cycles are based on the same, constantly repeated models, as in the case of the so-called Reichenau and Echternach schools. Colours in the Codex Aureus of Echternach The following reflections are based on the technological examination of the Codex Aureus Epternacensis, now in the Germanisches Nationalmuseum in Nuremberg, which was carried out by Doris Oltrogge and Robert Fuchs in , as well as my own research on the use and the aesthetics of colours in manuscript illumination.

These include a sumptuous doublepage depicting the Majestas Domini, while each Gospel is preceded by a sequence of equally lavish double-pages with the portraits of the Evangelist fig. The texts of the Gospels themselves are not interrupted by scenic illustrations like in other Ottonian manuscripts. The codex is the work of at least eight illuminators, some of which executed only executed a single page. They must have been working together very closely and within a short period of time.

In several cases, recto and verso of one and the same sheet of parchment are executed by different illuminators who possessed a distinctive style yet used nearly the same palette of colours. The technological examination of the manuscript has revealed a very rich and varied palette, in which nearly all the colours and hues available to 11th century scriptoria occur Oltrogge and Fuchs , , The colours red, blue or purple, for instance, are represented not by a single, but by two or more pigments.

Among these we find many rare and expensive exotic pigments like lapis lazuli or kermes, which were actually used quite abundantly in this manuscript as compared to other Ottonian manuscripts. This observation leads to the hypothesis that the Echternach illuminators and their patrons explicitly wished to use as many and as costly colours as possible to provide. Translated from Halleux , esp. Lart des peintres est prcd par la confection des couleurs. Ensuite, que votre esprit tourne ses soins vers les mlanges.

Alors, passez loeuvre, mais soumettez tout la rigeur, pour que ce que vous peindrez soit orn, et comme naturel. Ensuite, par bien des preuves dingniosit, lart augmentera loeuvre, comme le montrera ce livre. Theophilus, who treats colours always as pigments, shortly mentions the material importance of colours in the preface of his treatise, cf. Brepohl Up to now, there are very few publications on the technical examination of manuscripts from the 10th and 11th centuries. Roosen-Runge focuses on English illuminated manuscripts from the 11th and 12th centuries.

On Ottonian book illumination in Trier see Oltrogge and Fuchs Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Hs Lapis lazuli, for instance, can be found as a distinguishing colour for the garments of the protagonists, but was used also for backgrounds, e. In the eyes of the contemporaries, the prodigal use of the most expensive pigment must have enhanced the exceptional character of the manuscript Pastoureau , The most dominant colour in the codex is purple fig.

The extensive use of purple enhances the religious significance of the book as an embodiment of Gods words. The illuminators did not apply the real Tyrian purple extracted from the murex shell murex brandaris , but used less expensive pigments made from plants like different kinds of the Rocella or auricella or the Ochrolechia as well as Kermes vermilio, which were perhaps also better suited for the preparation of bodycolours Oltrogge and Fuchs , Technological examination has revealed. Thus, in the case of purple, the illuminators probably wished to enhance the more important parts of a figure or scene by using a more expensive pigment, again displaying an awareness of the material quality of colours Oltrogge and Fuchs , Another level of this chromatic consciousness is revealed by the fact that many full-page miniatures, amongst others the double page depicting the Majestas Domini f.

This must have taken place in the workshop itself either during the making of the manuscript or immediately after the illuminations had been finished, but before the final binding. The retouches were carried out by the same group of illuminators who, probably with one exception, had been responsible for the original or first phase of the work. Curiously enough, these alterations, which were done using the same col-.

In the case of the Majestas Domini double-page, the alterations can partly be detected with the naked eye fig. The figure of Christ enthroned, the angel symbolising St Matthew or the personification of Prudentia fig. Investigation with infra-red light has revealed that the second illuminator completely covered the fleshy parts, but did not touch the original version which is entirely conserved.

The alterations seem to be highly unusual and demand an interpretation. A practical explanation could be that we are faced with an early repair of defective portions or layers of paint which were corrupted or chipped. This, however, can be rejected in the view of the remaining, fully conserved original faces. A second hypothesis concerns the content of the miniatures.

It states that the makers of the manuscript may have wished to change the character of a figure or a scene. There is, however, no substantial evidence for this explanation either. While the illuminators would frequently alter the tone of the flesh and some of the facial features, they would generally not change the posture of the head or the line of sight. One of the few exceptions is the Noli me tangere scene, where the painter corrected the orientation of the angels heads, which had originally looked straight ahead fig.


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By re-directing them to the right the illuminator enhanced the focus on Christ as the central figure of the scene, but did not completely change the meaning of the image. Similar changes do also occur with some of the minor figures which are part of the decorative framework and do not carry any particular meaning. This observation suggests another explanation. The alterations were probably carried out for aesthetical reasons and can tentatively be interpreted as aesthetical restorations. Interestingly enough, the illuminators did. In the case of the Majestas Domini and related pages, the rather long-nosed face-lifting did not really result in an improvement in appearance.

RHA - Medieval Colours

However, as technological analysis has revealed, the more harmonious general features of the first version had been combined with a rather garish pink skin colour and blue hair as seen in the portrait of St John. Some minor figures preserve this colouring, and these give us an idea of the original facial tones: the ox symbolising St Luke f.

Some of the trumpeting angels as well as St John the Evangelist f. These examples suggest that the true reason for the alterations was probably to avoid violent colour contrasts within the images, and to create a chromatic harmony between several of the double-pages which had been executed by different illuminators. The new, brownish skin colour and black hair, for instance, do indeed match better with the colours of the clothing and backgrounds.

Thus, the Codex Aureus underlines the high level of sensitivity of the Romanesque period towards both chromatic values and material virtues of colours and pigments. The astonishing insights into the production of the codex reveal a twofold aesthetic of colours, which had both the materiality of the colours or pigments and their chromatic interaction in view. Instead of focusing only on the symbolism of certain colours, which was the general supposition of research until recently, the makers of the manuscript actually gave priority to chromatic variation.

Their aim seems to have been to enhance the status of the codex as an actual materialisation of the word of God by endowing it with the finest of colours both in the material and the artistic sense. Hopefully, the new interpretation proposed here of the employment of colours and the importance attached to chromatic values in medieval and especially in Romanesque book illumination may be supported by further technical and art historical research into other manuscripts in the nearby future. Bibliography Alberti, Leon Battista. De Statua. De Pictura.

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Die Malkunst. Grundlagen der Malerei. Btschmann, Oskar et al. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Anzelewsky, Fedja. Albrecht Drer. Das malerische Werk. Der Liber illuministarum aus Kloster Tegernsee. Edition, bersetzung und Kommentar der kunsttechnologischen Rezepte. Stuttgart: Steiner. Bender, Beate. Color caelestis. Anmerkungen zur Farbe Blau im Mittelalter. Gerke, Hans ed. Farbe der Ferne. Heidelberg: Wunderhorn: Brepohl, Erhard.

Theophilus Presbyter und das mittelalterliche Kunsthandwerk. Gesamtausgabe der Schrift De diversis artibus. Cologne et al. Decker, Bernhard. Drer und Grnewald. Der Frankfurter Heller-Altar. Rahmenbedingungen der Altarmalerei. Dittmann, Lorenz. Farbgestaltung und Farbtheorie in der abendlndischen Malerei. Eine Einfhrung. Fara, Giovanni Maria. Rinascimento, 42, Fuchs, Robert and Oltrogge, Doris. Das Blau in der mittelalterlichen Buchmalerei. Quellenschriften als Basis naturwissenschaftlicher Farbuntersuchungen. Secreta colorum.

Geheimnisse aus mittelalterlichen Skriptorien. Untersuchungen zur Echternacher Handschriftenproduktion. Tempus edax rerum. Le bicentenaire de la Bibliothque nationale de Luxembourg Luxemburg: Bibliothque Nationale: Gold und Purpur zwischen Ideal und Werkstattpraxis. Segni e testo, 5, Gaignebet, Claude. Grebe, Anja. Knstler, Werk und Zeit. Codex Aureus.

Das Goldene Evangelienbuch von Echternach. Gullick, Michael. A bibliography of medieval painting treatises. Brownrigg, Linda L. Making of the medieval book. Techniques of production. Los Altos Hills, CA et al. Halleux, Robert. Pigments et colorants dans la Mappae Clavicula. Guineau, Bernard ed. Pigments et colorants de lAntiquit et du Moyen Age. Teinture, peinture, enluminure, tudes historiques et physico-chimiques. Kahsnitz, Rainer ed. Faksimile and Commentary. Kutschbach, Doris. Die Altre. Stuttgart et al.

Muthesius, Anna. Byzantine silk weaving AD to AD Vienna: Fassbaender. Oltrogge, Doris. Rezeptsammlungen und Traktate. Die Vermittlung kunsttechnischen Wissens im Frh- und Hochmittelalter. Canossa Erschtterung der Welt. Geschichte, Kunst und Kultur am Aufgang der Romanik. Munich: Hirmer: Oltrogge, Doris and Fuchs, Robert.

Mit Infrarot und Rntgenstrahl. Ergebnisse naturwissenschaftlicher und kunsttechnologischer Untersuchungen des Egbert-Codex. Franz, Gunther ed. Der Egbert Codex. Ein Hhepunkt der Buchmalerei vor Jahren. Die Maltechnik des Codex Aureus aus Echternach. Ein Meisterwerk im Wandel. Nuremberg: Verlag des Germanischen Nationalmuseums. Pastoureau, Michel. La couleur et lhistorien. Guineau, Bernard Guineau ed. Vers une histoire sociale des couleurs. Pastoureau, Michel ed. Couleurs, images, symboles. Etudes dhistoire et danthropologie.

Paris: Editions Le Lopard dOr: The history of a color. Princeton et al. Pfaff, Annette. Nuremberg: Stadtarchiv. Roosen-Runge, Heinz. Farbgebung und Technik frhmittelalterlicher Buchmalerei. Studien zu den Traktaten Mappae Clavicula und Heraclius. Rupprich, Hans. Schriftlicher Nachlass. Berlin: Deutscher Verein fr Kunstwissenschaft. Schmidt, Peter. Goethes Farbensymbolik. Berlin: Schmidt. Steigerwald, Gerhard. Das kaiserliche Purpurprivileg in sptrmischer und frhbyzantinischer Zeit.

Jahrbuch fr Antike und Christentum, 33, Tikkanen, Johan Jakob. Studien ber die Farbengebung in der mittelalterlichen Buchmalerei. Helsingfors: Centraltryckeriet et al. Wagner, Monika. Das Material der Kunst. Eine andere Geschichte der Moderne. Mnchen: Beck. Welchman, John. Hope, Augustine Hope ed. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold. Dissertation on Modern French Artists Books. A minha investigao actual articula-se em torno dos laos que existem entre a cor e os corpos na imagem medieval. Dou uma ateno muito especial sobre a cor do nu e a sua relao com a cor do vesturio que o cobre: ser que existe um lao entre estes dois espaos da cor, o da pele e o do vesturio?

A cor do corpo, nu ou vestido, desempenha um papel no estatuto das personagens representadas? O pequeno nmero de manuscritos a cor que chegou at ns, o seu estado de conservao por vezes mau e a dificuldade de aceder s fontes, no parece , primeira vista, justificar a minha opo cronolgica. Contudo, estes documentos parecemme reveladores duma poca em plena mutao e so portadores de ndices dessas mesmas mutaes. As minhas pesquisas permitiram-me constatar que no haver ainda um sistema cromtico definido, mas tendncias. O que verdadeiro para um manuscrito no o para os outros.

O estado transitrio do perodo que aparece por vezes em filigrana num manuscrito e a escassez de fontes directas ou indirectas sobre a cor das personagens aconselham uma grande prudncia nas minhas concluses. Na minha investigao sobre as relaes que existem entre a cor e o corpo representado, interrogo-me sobre a forma como se exprime iconograficamente a cor do corpo. Focalizo a minha ateno na presena ou no de tcnicas cromticas para traduzir a cor da nudez, da pele, dos cabelos, mas tambm na forma de representar o vesturio.

Para poder responder, finalmente, questo de saber se a cor em geral, a cor do corpo em particular, desempenha uma funo no estatuto da personagem representada nas imagens. Com efeito, notei em certos documentos, um esforo para diferenciar, pela cor, a pele positiva da pele negativa e, para l da pele, o estatuto da personagem apresentada.

Este esforo de classificao pode ir em certos casos, at dar ao corpo mais valorizado, o de Cristo, uma cor particular. De modo a responder s questes que me coloco, pareceu-me prudente centrar a ateno sobre o estudo dum manuscrito otoniano datado de finais do sculo X, o Evangelirio de Oto III.

O manuscrito, produzido em torno de , um dos mais belos exemplos do atelier da abadia alem de Reichenau. O conjunto iconogrfico composto de 35 pinturas a pgina inteira, o que faz dele um dos mais importantes da poca. A riqueza de tons e a densidade da cor, o excelente estado de conservao das pinturas, a relao estreita entre a cor do corpo e o estatuto das personagens representadas, fazem desta obra um elemento chave no meu estudo sobre as cores do corpo.

A gama cromtica do manuscrito caracterizada pela variedade das tintas, o jogo de matizes e o perfeito estado de conservao e saturao das cores. Ao olhar para este rico mostrurio de cores nuancier , trs elementos atraram a minha ateno: a delicadeza do trabalho do artista para criar uma vasta gama de brancos, a presena de um matiz de vermelhos e castanho na cor do vesturio principal. E, enfim, a riqueza dos tons para a cor da pele. A cor aparece a codificada e pensada em funo dum contexto bem particular.

Mas este estudo obriga a uma grande prudncia, pois este documento permanece uma excepo. Ele obriga-me a modelar pouco a pouco e sensatamente a minha anlise, pois o que vlido para este manuscrito no o para a maior parte dos integram o meu estudo. Abstract The period stretching from the end of the 10th century to the end of the 12th century is a time of many changes.

This is why it seems interesting to us to study the emergence of a code of colour for the body. My current research is based on the existing links between the colour and the body in medieval imagery. I pay particular attention to the colour of the naked body and its relationship with the colour of the clothing that it covers: Is there a link between these two spaces of colour, which are the skin and clothing?

Does the colour of the body, naked or dressed, play a role in the status of the various represented characters? The small number of manuscripts with colours remaining to this day, their state of conservation sometimes bad and the difficulty to access the sources does not seem, initially, to justify our chronological choice.

However, these documents appear to us as an insight into a time in complete transformation and they are, at the same time, carrying the indications of these changes. My research identified that there was not a defined chromatic system yet, but some tendencies. What is true of one manuscript is not of others. The transitory state of the period that appears sometimes pen flourished initials in the manuscripts and the scarcity of the direct or indirect sources on the colour of the characters, forces the greatest of caution regarding our conclusions.

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In my search for existing links between the colour and the depicted body, I question the way in which the colour of the body is represented from an iconographic point of view. I concentrate my attention on the presence or not of chromatic techniques to translate the colour of nudity, of the skin, of the hair, but also to represent clothing. Ultimately, the question is to know if the colour in general, the colour of the body in particular, plays a role in the status of the represented characters in my pictures.

Indeed, I have noticed that on certain documents an effort to differentiate, by using the colour, the positive skin from the negative skin and, beyond the skin, the status of the character represented in the scene. This effort of classification can, in certain cases, lead to giving to the most valued body, that of Christ, a particular colour.

In order to answer the questions that we ask ourselves, it seemed judicious to focus our attention on the study of an Ottonian manuscript dating from the end of X th century, the Evangeliar of Otto III. Its iconography consists of thirty-five full-page paintings, making it one of the most important iconographic programs of the time.

The richness in the tinge and density of the colour, the excellent state of conservation of paintings, the close relationship between the colour of the body and the status of the characters represented makes this work a key element in our study on the colours of the body. The colour chart of the manuscript is characterized by the variety of colours, a set of shades and the perfect state of preservation and saturation of colours. In this rich colour chart, three points have caught my attention: the delicate work realized by the artist to create a wide range of white, the presence of shades of red and brown in the colour of the main clothing and, finally, the richness of nuances in the coloring of the skin.

The colour appears codified and thought in terms of a particular context. But this study requires the utmost caution, this document remains an exception. It forces me to adjust gradually and carefully my analysis, because what is valid for this manuscript is no longer valid for the great majority of theconfigurao do of my study. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm Otton III meurt lge de 19 ans au nord de Rome.

Ne laissant pas dhritier mle, la succession de lempire devient incertaine. Henri II, ayant entretenu par le pass des bonnes relations avec son cousin, sempresse prendre la succession, avant mme quune lection aie lieu. Aprs la mort de son pre, en , Henri II devient alors duc de Bavire. Il pouse Cungonde de Luxembourg vers lAn Mil. Cest sous son rgne, en , que la ville de Bamberg devient un vch.

La priode allant de la fin du Xe sicle la fin du XIIe sicle est une poque de mutations. Cest pourquoi, elle me semble intressante pour tudier lmergence dun code de la couleur du corps. Mes recherches actuelles sorientent autour du rapport qui existe entre la couleur et le corps dans limage mdivale. Afin de rpondre cette question, il ma sembl judicieux de focaliser lattention sur ltude dun manuscrit ottonien datant de la toute fin du X e sicle, lvangliaire dOtton III. Pourtant, consciente des difficults danalyse que cela engendre, la consultation du fac-simil ma permis de soulever un certain nombre de questions.

De ce fait, la richesse des nuances et de densit de la couleur, lexcellent tat de conservation des peintures, le rapport troit entre la couleur du corps et le statut des personnages reprsents font de ce manuscrit un lment cl dans mon tude sur la couleur du corps. Lvangliaire dOtton III, ralis vers , est lun des plus beaux exemples de latelier de labbaye allemande de Reichenau. Il fait lobjet dune commande du jeune empereur Otton III Aprs la mort subite de ce dernier,2 le bel vangliaire revient son cousin loign et successeur Henri II qui, son tour, loffre au trsor de la cathdrale de Bamberg.

Le programme pictural et christique de notre. Aprs les douze Canons de Concordance, le cycle dimages souvre sur deux peintures se faisant face, aux folios 23 v. Ce dernier est reprsent en majest, entour de nobles, clercs et lacs. La gamme chromatique du manuscrit est caractrise par la varit des teintes, le jeu des camaeux et le parfait tat de prservation et de saturation des couleurs.

Jai relev pas moins de cinquante-huit nuances diffrentes. Parmi ces nuances, lor a une place centrale: il est la couleur principale des fonds des peintures. Toutefois, il est intressant remarquer que la mise en scne de la majest impriale et les quatre dernires images du cycle christique, la Passion et la Rsurrection du Christ, ne sont pas figures sur un fond dor mais sur un fond polychrome.

Cest comme si ces fonds de couleur rappelaient la nature terrestre du pouvoir imprial et la nature humaine du Christ. Au regard de ce riche nuancier, trois lments ont attir mon attention. Tout dabord, le dlicat travail que ralise lartiste pour crer une vaste gamme de blancs. Ensuite, la prsence dun camaeu de rouges et de marron dans la couleur des vtements principaux est intressante signaler.

Enfin, la richesse des nuances dans la mise en couleur de la peau est un lment qui pose un grand nombre de questions. Le minutieux travail artistique pour reprsenter une riche gamme de blancs est un point intressant. La couleur blanche, lorsquelle est applique au vtement des personnages, nest pas une couleur pure, totalement blanche. La peinture blanche pure est seulement rserve aux rehauts de couleurs de la peau, des yeux et des plis des toffes.

Le blanc vestimentaire est toujours un blanc bleut, ou bien un blanc. Ce blanc est la couleur la plus claire, gnralement rserve au vtement port le plus prs du corps: la tunique, la tunique du dessous ou la chemise, certains bas-de-chausses et les voiles des femmes.

Par exemple, au folio 24, la tunique du vieux lac gauche dOtton III est dun blanc bleut, tandis que le linceul de Lazare, au folio v. Jai remarqu quil tait parfois difficile de diffrencier le blanc du gris. Le gris permettant denrichir la gamme des blancs, lide serait davoir une couleur claire pour le vtement le plus prs du corps. Lorsquun groupe est reprsent, aux tuniques blanches viennent sajouter des tuniques jaunes. Par exemple, au folio v.

En rythmant limage, ce jeu de couleurs semble donner vie au groupe et rendrait la scne moins monotone. Dans la scne du Baiser de Judas, au folio v. Pourtant, celle du Christ est blanc gristre tandis que celle de Judas est jaune clair. Leurs manteaux sont rouges, mais celui du Christ est rouge violac, plus fonc que celui de Judas, qui est rouge orang.

Le contraste de couleurs apparat la fois faible et extrmement subtil. Par la couleur, lartiste na-t-il pas voulu traduire lambigut de ce baiser et, au-del du baiser, la complexit du geste de Judas? Le fait de reprsenter des tuniques aux diverses nuances de blancs et de jaune nest-il pas une manire dexprimer la couleur changeante des tissus non-teints? Les tissus blancs sont gnralement les tissus de couleur naturelle, ou qui ont subi des techniques dclaircissement comme le schage au soleil.

Cest pourquoi, lpoque qui nous concerne, il est presque matriellement impossible davoir des toffes rellement blanches. Gnralement, celles-ci sont de couleur crue, ou bien gristre ou bruntre. Prcdemment, nous avions mentionn la prsence dun camaeu de rouges dans la palette vestimentaire des personnages. Le rouge est enrichi de diverses nuances, tirant parfois mme vers le marron. Dans certaines images, il est mme difficile de distinguer le rouge et le marron.

Cela mamne penser que le marron, dans ce manuscrit-ci, fait partie de la palette des rouges. La diversit des nuances rouges et leur rcurrence sur le vtement semble imposer lide dune couleur fonce pour lhabit des personnages principaux. Au folio 24, lempereur Otton III est vtu dune luxueuse tunique rouge violac et dun manteau vert. La longue tunique du dessous est blanc bleut. On peut remarquer que la couleur fonce du vtement principal contraste avec la couleur claire du vtement le plus prs du corps.

Comme pour le vtement imprial, la couleur du manteau du Christ contraste toujours avec la couleur claire de sa tunique. Il y est vtu dune tunique blanche et dun.

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Depuis lAntiquit, le rouge est la couleur par excellence. Les diffrentes gammes de rouges sont plus rsistantes que les autres couleurs. Les belles toffes sont donc gnralement de couleur rouge, dont les teintes sont extrmement diversifies. Le Lopard dOr, , pp. La couleur claire de lhabit du Christ se ferait lcho de ce vtement dune blancheur clatante dont parlent les vangiles. Une premire couche de couleur sature est pose sur lespace destin la peau. Pour la couleur de cette couche de base, jai relev pas moins de onze nuances diffrentes: beige moyen rostre, beige verdtre, beige jauntre, jaune verdtre, beige clair, beige rougetre, blanc verdtre, marron clair, verdtre, beige clair rostre et gris verdtre composent le nuancier de la peau.

Ensuite cette couche de base est releve de reflets blancs et dombres de couleurs diverses. Jai remarqu que la couleur des ombres variait en fonction de la couleur de base de la peau. Par exemple, au folio 24, la peau des lacs figurs auprs de lempereur est beige, releve dombres marron rougetre, alors que la peau dOtton III, jaune verdtre, est rehausse dombres verdtres. Pourquoi retrouve-t-on tant de couleurs diffrentes pour la peau? Afin de rpondre cette question, je ferai appel sept cas de figure qui me paraissent significatifs: la peau dun vieillard indigent, celle de Satan, celle du lpreux, celle de Lazare, celle des quatre provinces impriales, celle de lempereur Otton III et, enfin, la peau du Christ.

Au dbut de notre cycle dimages, au-dessus de lune des Tables de Concordances, au folio 17 v. Sa peau est beige verdtre. Face lui, un jeune vigneron est aussi vtu de court et les pieds nus. Mais sa peau est marron clair. Ici, la couleur de la peau semble tablir une frontire entre deux ges, la jeunesse et la vieillesse. Ce sont des artisans. Et, surtout, ils ont tous les deux la mme couleur de peau, beige jauntre. La couleur de la peau ne cre plus seulement une distinction entre deux ges, mais elle semble tablir un cart social entre lunivers des paysans et le monde des artisans.

Le vieillard qui se rchauffe les mains auprs du feu, vtu dune courte tunique, jambes et pieds nus, pourrait tre un indigent. La couleur de sa peau, beige verdtre, contraste avec celle des trois autres travailleurs reprsents: lhomme est non seulement un paysan, mais il est surtout un exclu. Le Lopard dOr, Paris, , pp.

Dans les trois scnes des Tentations du Christ, au folio 32 v. Son corps est recouvert dune toffe marron clair. La manire dont est pose ltoffe sur le corps du diable est particulire: elle cache une partie tout en dcouvrant lautre partie. Lambivalence vestimentaire, double dune couleur sombre de peau, soulignerait le caractre sournois et inquitant de Satan. La lpre serait la plus visible des maladies de la peau. Elle reprsente ainsi larchtype de la maladie de peau. Le lpreux ouvre la voix du salut par la charit quil appelle. Le lpreux, au folio 97 v. Sa peau est marron, seme de taches sombres.

Et ainsi diffrenci, on peut mieux le mettre lcart, lexclure. Non seulement le lpreux bnficie de la compassion du Christ, mais aussi il jouit dun traitement de couleur particulier: sa peau, aussi dvalorise soit-elle, nest pas de la mme couleur que celle de Satan. Cest comme si cette association du gris et du vert signifiait le mieux la pleur cadavrique.


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La couleur est intercale dune femme une autre. De cette manire, Roma et Germania ont la peau de couleur jaune verdtre, tandis que celle de Gallia et de Sclavinia est marron clair. Place de manire intercale, la couleur de la peau donne du rythme limage. Or, est-ce que cest un hasard si la peau de Roma, la province place le plus prs du pouvoir imprial, est de la mme couleur que celle de lempereur Otton III?

La couleur de la peau semble rapprocher lempereur des clercs, le pouvoir imprial de lglise. Est-ce quelle ne traduit pas les enjeux idologiques de la politique impriale des ottoniens? La peau du Christ pourrait donner un dbut de rponse.