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- The Foreign Relations of Elizabeth I by Charles Beem
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- The Foreign Relations of Elizabeth I
Philip is one of the few European princes who had actually met Elizabeth in person when he was married to her older half-sister and resident in England. How much more powerful to never replace that image for the king of Spain with the older image of the queen; for Philip, Elizabeth was always the vivacious twenty-something coquette. For all other Europeans, the image of Elizabeth was presented in portraits, coins, and poetry. These forms of representation were perhaps the most far reaching and influential.
One result was that those abroad who had not seen Elizabeth very much wanted to know if the portraits they saw were genuine likenesses of the queen. While the French kings Charles IX, Henri III, and Henri IV never had the opportunity to meet the mature Elizabeth in person, they could gaze upon the eternally youthful countenance of her portraits, as they digested the frequently effusive reports of their ambassadors.
But of course Elizabeth did not go to France to meet with Henri. Like her many offers to marry when the time was right earlier in her reign, at the end of it, Elizabeth stayed in England, her realm. This proved to be a rather enduring precedent for most of the seventeenth century.
While so many monarchs before Elizabeth had travelled beyond their kingdoms, in the Stuart century that followed her, English monarchs usually remained in England once they were crowned. James I r. Only with the Glorious Revolution of — and the Hanoverian succession of , which brought foreign-born monarchs to the English and British thrones, was the Elizabethan precedent of a stay-at-home monarch overturned. Despite the fact that most of the world only knew her from secondhand sources, Elizabeth both created and enjoyed a wide-ranging fame over much of the old world of Europe, Central and Western Asia, and Northern Africa.
Rather than take her obvious charms, talents, and transcendent wisdom to other lands, she relied on ambassadors, other foreign observers, and various forms of iconographic representation to do this for her, with the exception of those foreigners visiting England who had the pleasure of her company. In this sense, of Europeans keenly aware of a dazzling and legendary queen they had never seen, Elizabethan foreign relations marked a significant break with the past.
However, to those areas of the wider world where the first strands of British protoimperial foreign relations were being created, in Russia, Morocco, The Ottoman Empire, Safavid Persia, and Mughal India, Elizabeth presented a perplexing portrait of a queen bound to her land and in the thrall of her subjects without any desire for foreign conquest. Notes 1. Leah S.
Hartley Leicester: Leicester University Press, , Edward provided his own account of his entertainments for the Scottish dowager queen. Edward played a central role in the negotiations for a French alliance in the late spring of See W. Edward VI, Chronicle, 42, 45—47, 65— Brodie, eds. London, , no. Sharon L. This treaty also served as the blueprint for drafts of projected marriage treaties for Elizabeth. See Historical Manuscripts Commission, vol. Edition London and New York: Longman, , — Wallace T.
Beem, The Lioness Roared, 63— The need to protect Elizabeth culminated in the Bond of Association, designed to punish anyone but Mary Queen of Scots in particular who sought to harm the queen. CW, — For a still useful discussion of this phenomenon, see J. Calendar of Letters, etc. Relating to English Affairs, vol. Martin A. Hume London , For more on this courtship, see Levin, Heart and Stomach, 60— For a recent study on the rebellion, see K.
Haigh, Elizabeth I, — Paul E. Camden, History, Sophie Crawford Lomas London: , Cole, Portable Queen, 2. CW, Black, ed. Edinburgh: J. Donald, , 28— Proceedings, Clare Williams London: Jonathan Cape, , CW, 53— CSP, Span. For instance, when Elizabeth visited Norwich in August, , she was accompanied by the French ambassadors sent by the duke of Alencon, sieurs de Bacqueville and de Quincy.
CSPF, Cole, Portable Queen, 1— Cited in J. See Janet M. Bell, Voice of a Monarch, Cited in Strong, Cult of Elizabeth, Royall Tyler, ed. London, , Louis A. Elizabeth W. See later in the text, B. Harrison and R. Jones Bloomsbury, IN: Nonesuch, , William Murdin, ed. Our thanks to Linda Shenk for sharing this research with us. The motivations for her visit serve as a clear example of the fundamental principle of Anglo-Swedish relations during the late s, which was based upon personal royal relationships, reciprocity, and gift-giving.
For Cecilia, Elizabeth was the ultimate European female role model, whose royal person itself was the siren song that compelled Cecilia to visit a monarch who was already being referred to as a real life female Solomon. For her brother, King Erik , however, Cecilia played an important role in the larger context of Swedish international relations. He wanted Cecilia to keep Elizabeth on friendly terms with him as he was at war during this time with Denmark and Poland.
Thus, this episode in Anglo-Swedish relations must be understood as a dualistic experience—one with both prosopographical and diplomatic significance.
Nevertheless, for better or worse, at the conclusion of her ultimately disastrous visit, Cecilia was instrumental in bringing to the Baltic regions of Europe a personal and realistic account of the fabled English virgin queen and her royal court. Historian Ingvar Andersson notes the lack of political discussion between Cecilia and Elizabeth. Additionally, it appears that Erik gave no instructions to Cecilia to promote his interest in Elizabeth. The marriage talks had opened up diplomatic dialogue between Sweden and England, two countries that had had only sporadic contact before Consequently, the Swedish understanding of the English court had been enhanced and a cadre of ambitious middlemen developed.
Many of these were merchant-class Englishmen who were interested in gaining new fortunes in Sweden and had gained the confidence of the Swedish ambassador in England, Nils Gyllenstierna, from to In one of the earliest correspondences between Cecilia and Elizabeth, in November , Cecilia petitioned the queen regarding John Keyle. He appeared at her landing in England and perhaps served as a chaplain for her.
North had earlier in produced a work on Scandinavia, A Description of Swedland, Gotland, and Finland, a highly edited work5 that describes the history, geography, and customs of the Scandinavian area. Dymoch, too, served as a de facto liaison for the English and Swedish courts. Dymoch, North, Keyle, and others in this little band of adventurers allowed the cultural exchange between England and Sweden to flourish.
There were frequent rumors about his coming to England, spread throughout the continent on different occasions, and he sent a number of letters to her expressing his love for her.
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Cecilia wrote to the queen informing her that she needed to obtain a license from her brother to travel. Erik sent a reply in which he expressed his thankfulness to Elizabeth for her kind invitation to Cecilia. However, Cecilia was a poor choice as an official diplomatic representative of the Swedish Vasa dynasty.
She had in her earlier years demonstrated a penchant for independence; in this, she was very much like Elizabeth. Cecilia was born on November 6, , in Stockholm; her mother was Margareta Lejonhujvud. Like her other brothers and sisters, she received an education with some of the most prolific scholars in Sweden. One demonstration of this was a controversial incident that occurred in in connection with the marriage of her sister, Katarina, with Edzard of Ostfriesland.
The controversy surrounding the incident with John of Ostfriesland could have been mitigated by Cecilia accepting a proposal of marriage with him, but she was unwilling to marry him. In another example, Cecilia had been coaxed by her brother, Erik, who had become king in , to marry into a dynastic house of another land, and in a letter of desperation to Queen Elizabeth, Cecilia expresses sorrow over having others control the selection of her mate.
Her brother agreed thereto, contrary to her will, but in the end it was broken off. Now he would have her marry the eldest son of the Landgrave of Hesse; to which she will in nowise consent, but would rather serve her [the Queen], and continue unmarried. Cecilia, however, was coerced into marriage with Christopher, the Marquis of Baden, before she was able to travel to England. The marriage was arranged by Erik and took place in She apparently agreed to the marriage with Christopher in part because he agreed to allow her to visit England within a year of marriage; he also accompanied her on her journey and on most of her visit in England.
Elizabeth was seven years older than Cecilia, had become queen at twentyfive, and knew the tribulations and perils that a female royal would face. Cecilia, in a letter of May 23, , expressed her thanks to Elizabeth for it and thanked her for the invitation to come to England.
The Foreign Relations of Elizabeth I by Charles Beem
Preparations for her journey began in late December She chose a number of young women from the nobility to accompany her to England. Along with these personal attendants of Cecilia, one Dr. She was ready to leave, despite complaints from some that her entourage was too small, and the trip would be susceptible to assault. Before Cecilia left Sweden, however, she had received a prayer book, in which her sisters, brothers, and closest friends had written proverbs and wishes for safe journey.
Interestingly, some of the dates associated with the signatures go back to May , indicating that she had intended to leave a good deal earlier than she did. Shortly after receiving the letter of invitation from Elizabeth, Cecilia was thrown in the midst of marriage negotiations with the Earl of Teyn, which could have delayed her.
James Bell, in Queen Elizabeth and a Swedish Princess, a work dedicated to the queen, takes this view. He writes: Yea the Kinge him self sometime with halfe commaundinge wordes, sometime with sweete and gentle entreatie, sometime with wylie policies, proceadinge yeat from naturall and tender affeccione assaied the same: one daie gevinge his worde that she shoulde cause her fournyture and provisione to be brought a shippe boorde, and commaundinge all things necessarie to be in a readynes, the nexte daye revoking his promse and repealinge his commaundment and so from daye to daye still delayenge the tyme, to thende the crueltie of the extreame winter beinge now at hande might cause a terror to her grace and make her to revolte.
His decision to let his sister visit England depended upon his mood, his demeanor, and ultimately his liking of Elizabeth. Bell describes the journey in great detail, and although his account suffers from embellishment and exaggeration, he presumably had interviewed Dr. Olof, considered a firsthand source since he accompanied Cecilia on her journey, for the basis of his information in the work. After this, they set out again, encountering a terrible winter storm, barely escaping death, and landed at Revel in Livland, an important Swedish trading city.
It was because of these difficult circumstances—war and storms—that the entourage decided to embark upon a land route instead of a sea route. Cecilia and her assistants also decided to celebrate Christmas in Livland. Thereafter, she had to obtain a passport from the king of Poland to cross his country, which was a difficult endeavor, and which she did not obtain until March 2, From Revel, she travelled through Livland by sled and horse through ice and snow to reach first Kegel, then Pades, and finally Pernov.
She reached the town of Sales on March 7, after nearly running out of food, and the next day went to Lemsey, where she rested for a couple of days. She left for the Polish city of Rie, on March 11, but she was refused entry by city officials, so she went on to Newmyll, where she recovered from a minor illness. After being released, Cecilia and her train moved on to Prussia in June , through the cities of Ragnette, Tylzey, and Quinseburgh; in Prussia, she was kindly welcomed by government officials.
After a number of days, the entourage crossed the English Channel, after finding favorable winds, and arrived in Dover on September 9. Her entrance was described by de Silva in great detail. She had conceived in December, and very soon after her initial meeting with Elizabeth, she gave birth to a son on September Two weeks later, the boy was christened at Westminster. The setting for the ceremony was ornate with beautifully designed tapestries on the stalls of the church, silver and gold ornamentation on the altar, and the child himself was laden with jewels. There was no singing of music, and the bishop read the baptism ritual with little embellishment.
The previous quote from the queen praising her English language skills seems to indicate that Cecilia could have been studying the language before she arrived. Also, her brother John, Duke of Finland, had five years earlier, come to England for several months and presumably had picked up some English grammar and vocabulary, which he could impart to his sister. During her stay in England, Cecilia attended many social functions with nobles and dignitaries. On October 13, she and her husband, Christopher, dined with de Silva and Elizabeth at their own invitation.
In a presentation of Sapientia Salomonis, Drama comico-tragicum by the Westminster boys, Cecilia lodged a complaint to her brother several years later that she being bidden to see a comedy played, there was a black man brought in, and as he was of an evil-favoured countenance, so was he in like manner full of lewd, spiteful, and scornful words which she said represented the Marquis, her husband.
Seaton argues that the allusion of the subject matter of the play could have also annoyed Cecilia. Impatient creditors demanded immediate payment of loans that were taken out to finance her lifestyle, but her unchecked spending habits continued beyond her allotted salaries, a characteristic pattern of the Vasa household. Also, this matter was still unresolved. Cecilia made a list of the lenders and the amounts, but her expenditure still superseded her payment.
As a result, she suffered a high degree of embarrassment. She had fourteen large chests containing all types of jewelry, necklaces, rings, precious gems including diamonds and rubies , clothes, books, and pictures. In a letter dated March 19, , written to Elizabeth, Cecilia implores the queen to assist her in facing her creditors.
Specifically, Cecilia cited the case of Ephippiarus, one of her many lenders, who, instead of helping her restructure her debt payments, had her secretary imprisoned. Further, Ephippiarus had been spreading a rumor that Cecilia and her entourage were planning a quiet and quick departure in order to escape the payment of the incurred debt.
Her letter lists four main complaints. First, she denies the claim made by the creditors that she refused payment and was planning to leave the country. As a result, English attitudes, especially among the nobility, began to turn against the princess; they perceived her as an arrogant, spoiled princess. The accusers emphasize the fact that being a foreign princess, she could leave the country at will to escape her debts. This was their great fear, which they emphasize in their complaint. In most situations, it was common for the nobility in England to incur debt without immediate payment and not suffer extreme consequences.
A number of nobles during the Tudor era kept meticulous details of their households—one of the more interesting being the household accounts of Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester—and spending on credit was common practice. Dudley, who, like Cecilia, had close proximity to Elizabeth, often took large loans, such as a pound loan from the London merchant William Bird in and another pound loan from William and Robert Bowyer in These loans may have been taken out to pay off other larger debts.
The Earl of Shrewsbury, by , was in such debt that he could scarcely only pay his interest payment. For foreigners, and specifically diplomats and high-ranking government officials, credit was usually not as large of an issue because most had the financial backing of their represented sovereign. Cecilia, however, was not officially representing her brother Erik, and thus her debt ran high. Most of the foreign diplomats in London did not experience the same kind of financial trouble as Cecilia.
Unfortunately for Cecilia, her popularity in England had sunk to such a low level that it was not advantageous for her to remain in the country. She started planning her return trip. To compound her problems, however, Christopher, who had earlier crossed the Channel to Antwerp, returned to England incognito and was arrested and imprisoned in Rochester.
Some merchants, apparently, had recognized him, and he was charged for a 5,pound loan he had not repaid. He then returned to the continent, this time to Calais, to wait for his wife there. His arrest only affirmed the decision for Cecilia to permanently leave England. According to de Silva, she still owed at this point about 15, pounds, and before leaving, she gave them pledges that they would be paid. Most of the available evidence falls into the detraction camp. Moreover, her creditors continued to hound her for payment, much to her annoyance and one later episode with John Dymoch became a highly politicized matter.
Cecilia long remembered the negative aspects of her trip to England, and in a letter penned by her four years later to King John of Sweden, who had deposed Erik in , expressed her complaints about the country. As it happened, though, she fell into disrepute. To further her problems, aggressive creditors began to demand payment, a condition which would eventually precipitate her departure. Erik had been interested in courting Elizabeth even before she was crowned queen. An embassy was sent in to propose a possible marriage alliance between Elizabeth and Erik, but this embassy failed in its mission.
Later, in , Gustav and Erik decided to send another mission to England, which would include his brother, John, Duke of Finland. This also failed, and there was no hint that Elizabeth had an inclination to accept his proposal. A later, more formal, diplomatic mission was intitated under Nils Gyllenstierna, the Chancellor of Sweden, who resided in England for several months. He, too, was unsuccessful, and by , Erik had given up on wooing Elizabeth. Ohlssons Boktyckeri , Fritzes Kungliga Hofbokhandel, , Etchells and Macdonald, , This is largely the reason that Cecilia requested the queen to add a few lines to encourage her brother to let her come, which was included in her letter of May 23, to the queen.
Bell, Swedish Princess, 48— Seaton, Swedish Princess, Seaton, Swedish Princess, 17— Bell, Swedish Princess, Ibid; The Earl of Arundel warned Dr. Seaton, Swedish Princess, 22— Bernard Manchester: Manchester University Press, , — Bernard Manchester: Manchester University Press, , Seaton, Swedish Princess, 6. Siegfried How great deception is in false coynage; The plate may be bryght in his shewing, The metall false and shew a fayre visage, All is not golde, to speake in playne language Giovanni Boccaccio, trans.
John Lidgate c. William Shakespeare, King Lear c. One clock went up on the newly repaired Dublin Castle, another was added to St. Even within the bounds of the English Pale, her claim to the Kingdom of Ireland could be—and frequently was—challenged, subverted, appropriated, and satirized. Indeed, the majority of her own English subjects were still Catholic upon her accession in Indeed, there was no sense of a unifying English tradition that Elizabeth could have drawn on in the same way she could with her local subjects.
Ireland, after all, was a foreign kingdom. Gaelic princes acknowledged or refuted English sovereignty depending on what was strategically useful and tended to see themselves as part of the old unified Christendom. All three groups took advantage of a significant level of inconsistency in the apportionment of jurisdiction between the London and Dublin seats of colonial government.
In this regard, the preoccupation with coinage was also an argument for authority. But if they be counterfeited, and made in brass, copper or other vile metal, who for print only calleth them nobles? Whereby it appeareth that the estimation is in the metal and not in the print or figure. Positive perception was crucial, and Elizabeth was canny and careful in structuring her own public representations to this end. Indeed, the medium of money and the instrument of time were the parentheses of civic intercourse: Figure 3.
From the collection of John Stafford-Langan, reproduced here with his kind permission. From the collection of the author. Siegfried coins circulated among the people even as the traffic of commerce, religious devotion, and legal transactions were guided by clocks. Interestingly, clocks and coins smoothed the temporal relations of public intercourse strictly insofar as their symbolic sovereignty gave way to commonplace use.
That is, these representations of Elizabeth mattered, but they did so precisely insofar as they could be taken for granted. Paradoxically, the symbolic structure of her sovereignty entered material culture at the less-than-exalted level of everyday use. The poor, argues the new queen, stand to gain the most when currency is refined. Their most obvious and spectacular achievement, of course, was an integral part of the recoinage of —1. Siegfried will, will yelde to bear a smal burden for a time, to avoide a perpetuall and endlesse oppressyon, not onley of them selves and their posteritie, but also of the whole common weal.
The attention to the Irish money was not, moreover, merely another desultory gesture of sovereignty over the neighboring isle. As Paul E. Please your Majesty to send me three thousand pounds of English money to pay my expenses in going over to you, and when I come back I will pay your deputy three thousand pounds Irish, such as you are pleased to have current here. There is no question that it underscored the precariousness of claiming Ireland as a kingdom while treating it as a colony. Indeed, for the English in Dublin during the s, the question of how to define kingship in a land full of provincial princes and petty kings was of immediate concern.
The previous generation had witnessed in Henry VIII a fading desire to prolong military initiative or invest in creative economic pressure against the Gaelic princes. First, he attempted to woo Gaelic leaders to take English titles; second, he methodically eradicated signs of Gaelic kingship in both bureaucratic and pointedly public depictions of Ireland. In the s, hoping to cess out the financial possibilities of Ireland, Henry ordered several assessments of the island to be taken.
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Indeed, while the Gaelic Irish were happy to trade for English-produced goods, they rarely adopted English customs and outright rejected Henrician legal codes. Irish order. As the report goes on to explain, in addition to following Irish structures and traditions of governance, tribute was being paid to native Irish princes rather than to the officials of the English Crown. This was not an empty gesture toward Catholic minorities in a colonial state otherwise recognized as being under newly Protestant sovereignty. Rather, distinguished Catholic members of the international community, who considered Henry to have abdicated his role as administrator of what had been deemed for centuries a papal fiefdom, continued to refer to prominent Irish leaders as kings.
Dominus Hiberniae. This inferior money—which was illegal to import to England due to its baseness—featured his own coat of arms and new title Rex Hirbniae on one side and the Gaelic symbol of kingship, the harp, on the other. If this was an explicit nod to the tradition in which bards and brehans were instrumental in establishing local sovereignty, it was also a gesture of audacious cupidity. The culmination of over thirty years of such arguments may be seen in the writings of the Papal Nuncio, Nicolas Sander, who was sent from Spain to Ireland to encourage the Desmond uprising against Elizabeth.
In both cases, the English monarch had sundered meaningful ethical relation and had shown himself incapable of moral leadership and, via divine justice, became the instrument of his own punishment: The silver coin hitherto most pure in England, was for the first time turned into brass by the king—a manifest judgment of God for the rapine and the sacrilege committed by him. The wealth taken from the monasteries was so great that even the tenth part thereof might have satisfied the greed of the most covetous king.
He ought therefore to have surpassed every prince in Christendom in his wealth of silver and of gold; but it was not so, for by the just judgment of God it was far otherwise with him, for within a few years after the plunder of the monasteries he was a far poorer man than either he himself or his ancestors had ever been before. Rather, it fed his ambition for international conquest, the result of which was debt. Debt, in turn, gave birth to a strategy for raising further treasure by debasing the coinage in both England and Ireland. And then when he saw the fraud prosper, he debased the coinage more and more till he filled up the measure of his days.
Siegfried has said, he who is unjust in that which is little, that is, in the ordering of the things of this world, is unjust also in the greater, that is in the spiritual things. Coins and Clocks in Figurative Terms At this point it is safe to say that when Elizabeth celebrates her claim to the Kingdom of Ireland with newly minted coins and newly raised clocks, few in that kingdom would have seen the occasion as purely celebratory. Indeed, the analogy between the quality of coin and quality of birth would haunt accounts of Elizabeth well into the next century.
Siegfried debased metals, add unmistakable notes of discordance to the swelling strains of praise. The alloyed local heritage was made up of several centuries of intermarriage between the Gaelic Irish nobility and English colonial families. Paradoxically, it was additionally employed to mean a wedge for prying things apart.
The Foreign Relations of Elizabeth I
The Plutarchan model of a struggle between a polity in some part dependent for its authority on the will of the people, and a government driven by traditional aristocratic privilege, was not only of growing interest to Protestant political theorists in England, but to the local rulers of Irish provinces as well. In a sense, the sound of the song is part of the Irish response to the symbolic representations of Elizabeth recently erected in Dublin. Thus, although the stanza first imagines Elizabeth as a kindly facilitator of civic peace and tranquility—one whose feminine position as head of state is more closely aligned with a place at the side of a cradle than at the head of a table—the harsh rime scheme suggests something both humorous and sinister.
In the manner of an overburdened servant, she must be rocking the overcrowded cradle with her foot since both hands are occupied. Additional figurative associations, common in the period, provided an even broader cultural framework. In fact, though Elizabeth counted on such symbolic associations as part of her representational argument for authority, the song reminds us that such images were never received passively.
If monarchy was like a well-regulated clock, that clock, in turn, was a pattern for the divine will. Also wee see there the Planets one under another, which. Doo they move of them selves? Nay; for nothing moveth it selfe, and where things move one another, there is no possibilitie of infinite holding on. As for example, from the hammer of a Clocke wee come to a wheele, and from that wheele too another, and finally too the wit of the Clockmaker, who by his cunning hath so ordered them.
William Starmer describes it as having three automatic figures. On each side of him is a soldier in miliary attire and 3 ft. These soldiers strike the quarters by alternate blows on the two bells beneath their feet. These were no idle symbols. Just four years later, Elizabeth would issue a series of orders that would transform what had been the symbol of force into an actual military campaign meant to set Ireland into clocklike regulation.
The hammered coins of the period were made by manually striking a coin blank of silver or gold between two hand-cut die. Above all, the song demonstrates the uncertain status of the Elizabethan administration in Dublin during the first decades of her reign. We cannot doubt that Elizabeth trusted in their representational value.
Siegfried Notes 1. Special thanks are due to the Kennedy Center for International Studies and the Office of Research and Creative Activities at Brigham Young University who provided the financial support that made this study possible. Robert Ware Dublin, , 4—5. Andrew Carpenter cites Ware in his introduction to the poem but does not mention the shared English source.
Ware, Annals, 5. While the song may indeed be an English import to Ireland, ballads were circulating back and forth with some frequency between the two islands as Gaelic Princes, Old English Lords, and New English administrators travelled to and from London. It might as easily have been an Irish import to England, especially since Ware has a tendency to ascribe English authorship to documents about which he is in doubt.
My special thanks go to Steven W. May who brought possible original English sources to my attention. Similar thanks go to Marion Nicholls for examples of disputed English-Irish authorship for several items written in the s. For examples of English poems with similar themes, see Steven W. May, Elizabethan Poetry, 3 vols. New York: Continuum, Simon Snelling is the first modern historian to set the pattern for this which all subsequent histories on the coinage in Ireland have followed. Evidences of Catholic and Protestant formulations in wills up to and including the year suggest that no more than ten percent were identified as Protestant even in the most committed regions.
See also R. These divisions are, of course, problematic. Intermarriage between the native Gaelic Irish and the Old English families, who had been in Ireland for over years, meant that many prominent families could claim status in both traditions. As images on coins, representations of monarchs were meant to circulate among the people the way images of Caesar did at the start of another empire. Elizabeth followed this dual pattern closely. Moreover, such coins often revealed official attitudes toward these other worlds.
Indeed, to some extent, one can trace the international authority of nations through the influence of their coin. From about onward, the Spanish gold doubloon and the silver reale served not only as coin of the Spanish realm, but as the central currency of international trade. Though separated by over a century, Queens Henrie… More. Drawing on innovative research in the rapidly gro… More. This collection brings together a series of fasci… More. This book examines the deep and lengthy crisis of… More. The discourse of political counsel in early moder… More.
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The essays is this volume collectively reveal a queen and her kingdom much more connected and integrated into a much wider world than usually discussed in conventional studies of Elizabethan foreign affairs. The Monarchy. Christopher Hitchens. Global Crisis. Professor Geoffrey Parker. The Sultan and the Queen. Jerry Brotton. Hugh Williams. Linda Colley. Now You Know Royalty. Doug Lennox. The Secret Life of Words.
Henry Hitchings. John Guy. Lisa Hilton. The Heart and Stomach of a King. Carole Levin. The Elizabethans. London's Triumph. Stephen Alford. Turks, Moors, and Englishmen in the Age of Discovery. Nabil Matar. Edge of Empire. Maya Jasanoff. When the Waves Ruled Britannia. Jonathan Scott. Warrior Queens. Antonia Fraser. Charles II Penguin Monarchs. Clare Jackson. The Ambassadors. Jonathan Wright. Atlantean Irish. Bob Quinn. Tudor Queenship. Making Make-Believe Real. Garry Wills. Geraldine Heng. Homer's Turk.
Jerry Toner. A Commonwealth of the People. David Rollison. Elizabeth I. Patrick Collinson. Mary I. The Politics of Rape. Jennifer L. Kingship and Masculinity in Late Medieval England. Katherine Lewis. The Culture of the Seven Years' War. Frans de Bruyn. Rebranding Rule. Kevin Sharpe. In Pursuit of Civility. Keith Thomas. Shakespeare and Tolerance.