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In: Wolfgang Bialas, Lothar Fritze ed. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publ. The historicity of denial: sexual violence against jewish women during the war of annihilation, - In: Hilary Earl, Karl A. Schleunes Hg. Evanston: Nothwestern University Press, ; S. Vernichtungskrieg, Reaktionen, Erinnerung.

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Frankfurt a. Stuttgart u. Paris: Payot, ; S. Sexual violence by German soldiers during the war of annihilation in the Soviet Union, - Basingstoke u. Zur Funktion und Bedeutung internationaler Strafprozesse. Vom schwierigen Umgang mit der Vergangenheit. Baden-Baden: Nomos, ; S. Between 'racial awareness' and fantasies of potency: Nazi sexual politics in the occupied territories of the Soviet Union, - In: Dagmar Herzog Hg.

War and sexuality in Europe's twentieth century. Berlin: Metropol, ; S. Deutungen, Darstellungen, Begriffe. Contingent regulations: Nazi sexual politics of race in the occupied territories of the Soviet Union, - Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Press, ; S. Between extermination and germanization: Children of German men in the 'Occupied Eastern Territories', - The hidden enemy legacy. Oxford u. In: Jens-Rainer Ahrens, u. Mastering the "Holokaust" in, through and with film. The media in American and German history from the seventeenth to the twentieth century.

In: Andreas Stuhlmann Hg. Zwischen Avantgarde und Popularkultur - Neumann, ; S. Mainz: Ventil-Verlag, ; S. Vergewaltigungen in Deutschland Nationaler Opferdiskurs und individuelles Erinnern betroffener Frauen. In: Klaus Naumann Hg. Its members were civil servants rather than soldiers. The head of the police inspectorate in Windhoek, however, was a Major or Lieutenant-Colonel delegated to serve in the civil colonial administration, and under the colonial governor. Given that questions relating to the subordination of military personnel under civil rule were of utmost importance to German contemporaries, it is remarkable that in German colonies except for the naval base Tsingtao the civilian governor headed not only the administration Gouvernement , but was also superior to the commander of the military Schutztruppe , as well as to the head of the police inspectorate Inspektion der Landespolizei Based on plans made in , and being founded during the wars against Ovaherero and Nama, this new police force was initially not to play a role in GWSA.

With the German parliament passing cutbacks in colonial budgets, the intended expansion of colonial police capacity would be hindered: of the German police sergeants planned for , barely could be actually budgeted for in next to approximately 1, soldiers. After all, who would have counted the population in this barren, often desert-like territory, larger in size than Germany?

This figure can only be treated as an approximate value at best, and owes much more to a colonial fantasy of omnipotence than any real systematic study. Nevertheless, GSWA was still the largest settler community of all German overseas possessions; despite this fact, the economic expectations of most individual settlers, as well as the demographic hopes of policy makers and colonial enthusiasts, would be disappointed.

Any comparison between what was intended and what was executed emphasizes the deficits and limits of colonial rule, and also often the impotence and inability to rule the areas meant to be colonized. Indeed, questions on the weakness of the colonial state have been repeatedly posed, especially when looking at the colonial spaces: where and when was the colonial state actually present 19?

The demonstration of colonial presence was as much a problem as it was a task for colonial officials. For 25 years , public security forces attempted to bring the territory under German control; for 25 years, pretence and reality diverged. The police files of the authorities in Windhoek suggest otherwise. Many regulations were stipulated by the administration, but their enforcement was often impossible. In order to achieve their aim of creating a state according to European patterns, and to satisfy the necessity of ensuring order and security for any settlers, these colonial administrators required adequate and sufficient security personnel.

To use such terminology in the context of late 19 th to early 20 th century colonial regimes, however, is to ignore the variety of motives that African men had to join the colonial forces The payment these men received was often better than what farm workers or servants of tradesmen could expect, and they also benefitted from the high social esteem of uniformed men amongst the African communities.

The situation on the ground, however, remained unchanged. Such actions indicate that, based on their everyday experience, colonial officials presumed the indispensability of African personnel in maintaining colonial rule, and that it would prove too difficult to succeed without them. This example also points, once again, to a general problem experienced by colonial administrators.

The inalienability of African police personnel proved to contemporaries the limited power of the colonial state. The cause of such criminal behaviour, however, was largely unrecognized by both colonial administrators and settlers: the impoverishment of the African population through war and expropriations. Cattle and other valuables were lost or confiscated, and other means of income were often insufficient to make a living After the wars, many Africans were forced to work on farms: the governor granting few exceptions to a general prohibition on Africans keeping their own cattle.

The farm work upon which they were thus forced to rely was often inadequately paid, with forms of payment in kind still proving insufficient to sustain the livelihood of a worker and his family. Some colonial administrators were aware of this situation. As the historian H. Similar to practices in Germany during strikes and other forms of civil unrest, the colonial military remained the last resort for the governorate to ensure internal peace The distinction between military and police tasks in GSWA was far less clear; a situation similar to those found in British colonial institutions of the time Since colonial police and military forces were fulfilling similar functions in maintaining internal security, the colonial administrators of GSWA began to discuss a potential merger of the two security institutions in ; an initiative largely intended as a cost cutting measure.

Accounts by the affected individuals, i. Those individual accounts that did find their way into the sources, however, suggest that fear of the police prevailed. The use of such terminology in a colonial context evokes a comparison with the totalitarianism of later regimes. They limited both freedom of movement and choices of employment. By almost prohibiting the ownership of cattle, they hindered the economic development of Africans and also served to destroy a cultural foundation of the Ovaherero.

The colonial state also pretended to be able to control their entering into voluntary labour contracts with Europeans, as well as the movement of Africans. Governor Friedrich v. They experienced problems in executing the few rights that Africans did have under these new regulations, often finding them to be unenforceable. As banditry and other forms of unruliness proved, many Africans did not readily accept the German claim to power. Colonial administrators were thus all too well aware of the fragility of their ruling structure, and consequently permanently feared potential uprisings.

Provocations were to be avoided.

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The following chapter will examine the attempts at resolving this ignorance, as well as the wider questions of communication and language that leading colonial officials correctly ascertained to be central to the upholding of colonial rule. Although sign language and interpreters necessarily represented the first elements of such encounters, other kinds of non-verbal communication could also be employed. Indeed, languages remained a place of retreat for African societies, a place not easily conquerable by colonisers.

Although some colonists did indeed try to do this, both their undertaking and their methods have been paid little attention by researchers. As a result, the following chapter can only serve as a cursory approach to the topic. Cape-Dutch a language also used for correspondence , and claimed that most of his officials had already learnt to write and speak in this language The linguistic ignorance of colonial officials was compounded by the fact that most of their translators were judged to have inadequate knowledge of the language they were translating.

This issue became a hindrance of growing importance 79 and the colonial language problems did not go unnoticed in the parliament, or in the higher echelons of the colonial administration. By this point, it had been over ten years since Colonial Director Paul Kayser and others had first emphasised the importance of language skills for colonial officials, a period of time that had seen the situation barely improve.

As can be seen from an internal memorandum of , future progress on this matter would continue to be slow. This had even happened in cases involving the death penalty. There was also, however, a recognizable policy that demanded colonial officials learn the local African languages, indicating a preference for language learning by officials over a continued reliance on African interpreters. This preference was based on several insights. Most of the administrators had, at some point, experienced insufficiently skilled interpreters; many of them arbitrarily summoned individuals.

Moreover, it seemed to be only a matter of time until a tragic occurrence, for instance a misjudgement based on incorrect translations, would become known to the wider public — something that may have led to deleterious debates in parliament. Similar to the situation in British colonies, where the early 19 th century policy of encouraging the native population to learn English had already been abandoned, the administration of GSWA was faced with the question of whether the spread of the German language was useful or detrimental to colonial purposes.

There was thus no other option but to develop the competencies of German officials in African languages. Demanding that his officials acquire language skills was a principle of Colonial Secretary Wilhelm Solf, who had earned a doctorate in oriental languages before studying law. Solf expected better from his officials. Contrary to the officials in the governorate 86 , policemen working in the stations and regional offices across GSWA were more open to learning African languages. Indeed, policemen were well aware that having at least some language skills was an indisputable advantage.

Furthermore, and contrary to the situation in colonial settlements like Windhoek, missionaries capable of translating were generally unavailable either during patrols or in most of the police stations in the farm areas. The learning of African languages was, however, never a formal requirement for policemen. Material support for those policemen making efforts to learn a local language, in the form of either courses or teaching materials, was largely not forthcoming. Rather than supply these things, it was assumed by their superiors that policemen would simply recognize the necessity of African language skills.

At least in some instances, this assumption would prove correct.

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From examining these reports, it becomes clear that some policemen had indeed learnt a degree of their local African language, knowledge that could be useful in communicating colonial order. Berengar v. The policemen themselves also responded with some enthusiasm — saw 16 policemen indicate their availability for courses during their leave The results of such courses, or indeed those of other more informal ways of learning, are difficult to assess however. In the early 20 th century, the European analysis and didactical preparation of African languages was still rudimentary.

It was thus possible for Africans to contact policemen directly, and for both sides to find the means to tolerably understand each other — at least in some cases.

Recent Tendencies and Perspectives in German language scholarship. Hans Adler and Sonja Klocke. Under contract with Fink, Munich, Germany. Donald R. Wehrs and Thomas Blake. Forthcoming Palgrave MacMillan, John Lucaites and Jon Simons.

New Brunswick: Rutgers UP, Narrative des Abenteuerlichen vom Mittelalter zur Moderne. Jutta Eming and Ralf Schlechtweg-Jahn. Soren R. Fauth and Rolf Parr. Paderborn: Fink Verlag, Andreas Erb. Bielefeld: Aisthesis, Rochester: Camden House, Margaret McCarthy.

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Boston: de Gruyter, Brigitta Wagner. Forthcoming Rochester: Camden House, Bristol: intellect books, Barbara Becker-Cantarino. Amsterdam: Rodopi, Chloe In: Proceedings of the XII. Franciszek Grucza et. Performing Post-September 11 Culturalist Discourses. London: Ashgate, Carl Niekerk and Stefani Engelstein. Amsterdam: Rodopi, Interpretationen — Kritiken — Interventionen. Mark W. William Rasch and Wilfried Wilms. New York: Palgrave, Kulinarische Begegnungen und Kommunikation in der Literatur.

Claudia Lillge and Anne-Rose Meyer. Bielefeld: transcript, Inge Stephan and Alexandra Tacke.