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The Treaty of Lausanne entitled them to the rights of all citizens in their respective host countries, safeguarding in particular their religious, educational, and linguistic freedoms. Its rights and very existence are closely linked with those of the Turkish-speaking Muslim minority in the Thrace region of Greece Anastasiadou and Dumont In addition to its strong historic presence, the minority also has political and symbolic significance, given the background of Greek-Turkish relations Alexandris ; Anastasiadou and Dumont Heavy emigration to Greece combined with pressures and restrictions applied historically to the community, including on its linguistic and educational rights, raises concerns as to the survival of the Greek language in this setting close to, but isolated from, mainland Greece.
Although Greek is an official minority language in Turkey, it has low geographic continuum by majority linguistic group in Istanbul Sella-Mazi b , The majority of Greeks remained in Istanbul dealing with trade, the maritime, and slightly with industry. Most were working in the Patriarchate or in the institutions of community, some are teachers in primary and secondary education in Greek minority schools. From population over thousand members in , due to combined effects of emigration and the various pressures applied by the Turkish government intent on homogenizing minorities Alexandris , the population has dwindled and is currently estimated to be only 2, in a huge metropolitan city with its population, approximately over 18 million, like Istanbul.
Despite its small numbers, however, the community appears to remain tightly knit and to have a strong sense of ethnocultural and linguistic identity Komondouros and McEntee-Atalianis The Greek language in Istanbul derives its status as a language, rather than a dialect, not so much from its linguistic characteristics like an abstrand language but from its social, cultural, and political characteristics.
These characteristics will normally involve autonomy and standardization. Greek and Turkish are regarded as distinct languages, not because they are linguistically very different from one another — there is clear mutual intelligibility — but because they are associated with two separate, independent nation states, and because they have tradition involving different writing systems, grammar books, and dictionaries Trudgill ; Sella-Mazi b , The Greek language, related to the national origin of the Greek population, strengthens its position by the fact that it serves his needs, in carrying out his religious duties.
Orthodoxy, for its part, makes this population more modest; opposite to another population of different language, religion, and customs; and this for the general behavior and not only linguistic. The Greek-speaking minority in Istanbul maintains close relations with Greece, where her mother tongue, the official language occupies position large number of families have relatives, friends established in Greece.
Also, the Greek-speaking community — issued two daily newspapers in Greek Iho and Apoyevmatini and an online radio in Greek www. Related to the interviews, done with the members of the minority, Greek culture and traditions, the Greek language, Greek Orthodox religion but also, crucially, being Istanbullites with deep roots and history in the city and belonging, albeit as members of a minority group, to Turkish society, he points out: The better their Greek, the stronger the feeling of Istanbullite identity. Komondouros argues that this suggests a possible weakening of Istanbul Greek identity, diachronically as Greek competence falls within the community.
With regard to the domains of use of Greek language, the data that Komondouros found out show us that the Greek Orthodox community use the Greek language at limited domains such as at home, at religious and community events, at work if they are involved with the church, or at other Greek-speaking establishments.
But in daily life and other social contexts, they speak Turkish; a process of language shift away from Greek. Older members of the community are fluent in Greek, speaking it in a more formalized, stylistic version than is encountered today in the vernacular in mainland Greece. Middle generation tend to speak good Greek and be fluent in Turkish, having benefited a fuller education in Greek and broader institutional support but also having learnt and used Turkish fluently to develop and live successfully in Turkish society. Younger generation is feeling the effects of a lower exposure to Greek due to the sparser demographic concentration of their numbers and the increased exposure to Turkish through the media.
This cause a process of language shift away from Greek which is significant in self-assessed relative competence in Greek and Turkish between the older and younger generation. However, amongst the younger generation , attitudes and patterns of language use are changing to reflect the realities of everyday life in a majority culture.
The language repertoire of bilinguals has been changing over time: as the environment changes and the needs for particular language skills also change, the same will happen with their competence in these skills Grosjean Younger generation is feeling the effects of a lower exposure to Greek due to the demographic concentration of their numbers. They are usually under strong external pressure to learn the language of the society at large and may also be under internal family pressure to keep the home language Skutnabb-Kangas Between Turkish and Greek spoken in Istanbul, Turkish plays the role of lingua franca among the pupils of the nursery, junior, and high Greek-minority schools.
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The linguistic map of the young generation of the Greek Orthodox Minority has undergone a radical change from the previous generation, where balanced bilingualism was firmly established more than years. Although there were 70 Greek schools in Istanbul, with a total of 11, pupils in the — academic year, in the years —, there were 45 junior schools and 6 high schools with a total of 5, pupils, while in the — school year, only 7 schools were left: four junior schools and three high schools with a total of pupils; 50 in nursery, 71 in junior, and in high schools.
Education in the Greek Minority schools is offered in two languages; in Greek and in Turkish. Both languages are taught equally number of hours. Moreover, students learn English as a foreign language. Greek language courses can be delivered by teachers who have graduated from various departments of Greek language and literature in Turkey.
They are usually selected from the Greek Orthodox Community, so they are all bilingual, that is, they speak both Greek and Turkish. In the academic year —, only 13 teachers were sent from Greece. They speak only Greek, they do not speak Turkish Kaya and Somel The chief deputy heads and the teachers of Turkish Language and Turkish Culture courses in the Greek minority schools are appointed by the Ministry of National Education of Turkey.
These teachers all are Turk and speak only Turkish Kaya and Somel During the research with the students of the Greek Orthodox Minority schools, it was observed a multilingual environment, rather than a bilingual one. Eighteen students of the total sum are children whose parents are Greek citizens. Since , only children who are Turkish citizens may attend minority schools.
They speak only Greek and participate only in the Greek lessons. They do not speak Turkish. Forty six students of the total sum are the children from mixed marriages. The common language these families use at home is Turkish. One hundred and eleven students of the total sum are the students of Arabic origin, and they speak Arabic and mostly Turkish. Detailed chart of the pupils attending the Greek Minority schools in the — academic year. As it is observed from the detailed chart, the distribution of the pupils attending the Greek Minority schools is complex; there are some schools which only Arabic origin pupils attend or others in which the rate of Arabic origin pupils is much more greater than the bilingual pupils; this situation provokes the loss of use of Greek in schools, as the communicative vehicle for these pupils is Turkish.
Therefore, the basis for the design of an educational intervention within the Greek minority is probably lacking. Data is collected through a combination of deskwork and interviews. The questionnaire written in Greek was comprised of seven sections. Questions in the second section regarded the language network and frequency of use. Questionnaires were distributed in the academic year —, through the three Bilingual Minority Greek Orthodox high schools, after having obtained the permission of the authorities concerned Pedagogical Institute and the collaboration of the headmasters, to pupils aged 10— Questionnaire results were supplemented by selected interviews, to probe more deeply into certain issues with minority school teachers and head masters and also with Turkish contract teachers and the chief deputy heads who work in the Greek minority schools.
The original population under study consisted of the total number of students in the three secondary and high schools of Greek minority schools: Great Nation High School of Phanar, Zografion High School, and Zappion High School. The questionnaire was distributed to all students: 1 bilinguals from the Greek minority, Rums, 2 pupils whose parents work at the Greek consulate or children of quota teachers originally Greek , 3 pupils from mixed marriages, and 4 pupils of Arabic origin. Almost all of their father work in several jobs, whereas only the The implications can be seen at the level of family structure.
With the regard to the language spoken at home throughout the day, it is noticed that the similarity in the language use with the informants when they were toddler. The results reflect that the predominant language is Turkish and that Greek loses power. This finding shows that the Arabic origin minority uses mostly the majority language, that is, Turkish, at home rather than its language. Researchers point out that a lack of family language reproduction is a principal and direct cause of language shift.
They assumed that in this scenario, a minority language can die within two or three generations unless bilingual education can produce language speakers who then find everyday purposes e. With regard to the language spoken to close family network, the findings reflect the result that the majority language is the predominant language used with the close environment of the informants. On the other hand, the rate for the answers that they speak equally Turkish and Greek to their father and mother is very low, whereas the rate that they communicate both in Greek and Turkish equally with their friends is very high.
This shows that the informants use both languages when they are with their friends. With regard to language usefulness, According to Edwards , the continuity of ethnic identity is commonly seen to be central for the maintenance of original group language. It is impressive to notice that the young generation of Greek Orthodox community in Istanbul wants to continue their higher education in Turkish universities. As Turkish is the language used at the university entrance exams in Turkey, students give more importance to it.
It is found out that since , no students from Greek Orthodox community in Istanbul have gone to Greece in order to attend Greek universities. Something that should be emphasized here is that the fluency in Turkish is directly linked to the social advancement of young people. For these reasons, the subjects aim at a sociolinguistic assimilation. With regard to language ability and competence in all skills, we note that in all linguistic skills, the majority language takes the place of the minority language.
Students are more competent in using the majority language in reading, writing, listening, and speaking. Young people seem to feel easier when using the majority language; they show interest in Turkish, the language of their environment, the language of Turkish-speaking population, in which the minority is developing more and more relationships, as needs grow.
The young minority live necessarily in a bilingual or, today, in a rather monolingual world: the Turkish-speaking world. As Brenzinger assumes, limited use of the minority language leads to limited exposure to that language, which results in decreasing competence, lack of confidence in using the language, and increasing reliance on the dominant language that the circle then repeats itself on a lower level, by more limited use of the minority language Figs.
On the other hand, the informants like singing in both languages equally. With regard to telling jokes, the informants like doing humor mostly and always in majority language. The domains of language use of the young generation of the Greek Orthodox Minority. It is mentioned that the main problem of the Greek Orthodox Minority in Istanbul is a demographic one. When the Minority population has dwindled, the field of use of the Greek language was directly limited. Other factors play here an important role such as sociolinguistic settings, intensity, and frequency in the use of Greek and Turkish; the level of proficiency in Greek and Turkish; the ability to use various linguistic repertoires; the functionality of both languages; emotional connection; as well as the value young speakers attach to both languages.
Such a balanced distribution has been observed in Istanbul from the Fall of Constantinople until s, which is really admirable. According to the study by Komondouros and McEntee-Atalianis , in the beginning of the s, the Greek language had such a symbolic value in the eyes of the Greek-speaking Rums that even gained space in the practical needs covered by the Turkish language. One wonders whether its symbolic value is so great that it could manage to maintain the language use despite the huge pressure by the Turkish language which has become the socialization language Batsalia , of the new generation of the Greek Orthodox Minority.
It is observed that more and more young men and women feel the need to use Turkish. This proves that the attitude of the minority against the Turkish language has been changing from generation to generation. In general, it is observed that among young generations, Greek and Turkish are not equivalent. Nowadays, Greek has low vitality status compared to Turkish among the young generation of the Greek Orthodox community. When a majority language is seen as giving higher social status and more political power, a shift towards the majority language may occur. Today, Turkish has won prestige and good knowledge of Turkish is necessary to cover everyday communication needs.
Another factor that affects the linguistic profile of the young generation is the bilingual education in the Greek minority schools. Educational programs need to compensate for linguistic deficiencies of the external environment by providing them in school; a strong second language program for majority language children; a strong first language program for minority language children Cummins and Swain According to this point of view, new school books that teach Greek as a second language must be published according to the needs of the Greek Orthodox community.
On the other hand, the use of languages within educational institutions is probably an essential but not sufficient condition for language maintenance. It should not be expected that schools alone to successfully counter strong social tides Edwards In order that language survive inside the individual, a person needs to become bounded in language minority social networks while at school and particularly after leaving school.
The minority language needs to be embedded in the family-neighborhood-community experience and in the economics of the family. Skip to main content Skip to sections. Advertisement Hide. Living reference work entry First Online: 29 December Download reference work entry PDF. Garcia compares bilingualism to an all-terrain vehicle. She considers that bilingualism is not like a bicycle with two balanced wheels; it is more like an all-terrain vehicle.
Fishman is particularly guarded about how much bilingual education can achieve in reversing language shift. There is sometimes the belief that, where families do not transmit the minority language, the school is there to do it instead. The school is expected to be the substitute minority language parent, where parents do not bring up their children in the minority language Baker ; Edwards Not surprisingly, the school is the setting where mismatches often occur and speakers are presented with a choice.
This is because, the school, although physically located within the community, is not considered part of it Romaine A school can only initiate second language acquisition in the minority language. For that language to survive inside the individual, a person needs to become bonded in language minority social networks while at school and particularly after leaving school. There needs to be pre-school, out-of-school, and after-school support and reward systems for using minority language. As Baker points out , the minority language needs to be embedded in the family-neighborhood-community experience and in the economics of the family.
Related to the recruitment of teachers in Greek Orthodox minority schools, there are three categories of teachers: Greek language courses can be delivered by teachers who have graduated from various departments of Greek language and literature in Turkey. In academic year —, the total number of students was ; 50 in nursery, 71 in junior, and in high schools. In this point, it would be very useful to briefly describe the Arabic origin community, which, due to political and socioeconomic reasons, is interfered in the Greek Orthodox community of Istanbul.
By s, for socioeconomic and political reasons, there was a movement of the Arabic origin Orthodox community from south-east part of Turkey Antakya, Mersin, Iskenderun to Istanbul Massabetas The Turkish Government gave the right to their children to enroll in Greek minority schools. The common religion and the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Istanbul brought together the two deeply different communities. These people do not speak Greek; they speak only Arabic and Turkish. For the children of this minority, Greek is totally a foreign language, as they speak Turkish at home and in some cases Arabic.
The children of this minority that attend the Greek minority schools constitute the second generation of an immigrant population. Due to inadequate facilities available to them to learn Greek which, in their case, is a foreign language at junior school, these pupils often arrive at high school with insufficient Greek, in order to follow Greek classes properly.
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This situation often results in the use of Turkish as the common language among these pupils, their Greek-speaking counterparts, and teachers. Open image in new window. Results and Discussion The original population under study consisted of the total number of students in the three secondary and high schools of Greek minority schools: Great Nation High School of Phanar, Zografion High School, and Zappion High School.
Personal Details With regard to language spoken at home when the informants were toddlers, the findings are interesting Fig. Obviously, this shows that the means of communication at home is the majority language. On the other hand, this shows that the informants of Arabic origin as well as the informants from mixed marriages grew up speaking the majority language at home and started learning Greek at school.
That is, all Arabic origin pupils do not speak Arabic at home and speak mostly the majority language — Turkish — although their mother tongue is supposed to be Arabic. The presentation of our findings involves the language used at home by interlocutors and also the language used when addressing the subjects. The informants could give more than one answer to these questions Fig.
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Their answers were originally codified as percentages included in a five-column table. It is impressive to notice that the highest rate of Greek language use out of school is It is noticed that besides their friends, the informants do not probably have the opportunities to use the minority language, out of school.
This shows that lack of Greek language use outside school causes the language shift in majority language in the bilingual community Fig. With regard to the language used in classroom with the teacher and in peer groups, we note that the pupils speak in Greek mostly to their teacher This shows that pupils in Greek minority schools do not use fluently Greek language in classroom activities, even in Greek lessons.
The majority language probably facilitate them to achieve their goal in classroom activities. On the other hand, with regard to education and for professional reasons, we note that the usefulness of Turkish is higher; The instrument used was a self-rating scale. Their answers aimed to measure actual use of two languages as opposed to proficiency Baker ; Fig. The study in question aimed at investigating the use of Greek and Turkish by the younger generation of the Greek Orthodox Minority, that is, by children and teenagers aged 10—18, both at school and outside the school environment; this is because it is believed that this generation will determine the future of the Greek language use within the Greek Orthodox Minority.
The present chapter investigates the following topics: The domains of language use of the young generation of the Greek Orthodox Minority The frequency of the language s use The ability and the proficiency in both languages. Abatzis, A. Sign in to Purchase Instantly. Explore Now.
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