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Concerts were held in Busan, Daegu, and Seoul. At the end of the year, Sechs Kies won several awards including Click! The 20th Anniversary was released on April 28, The anniversary album entered the Billboard World Albums chart at number nine. As part of their 20th anniversary celebrations, a Sechs Kies exhibition entitled "Yellow Universe" ran from April 28 to May 28, showcasing artwork by Lee Jai-jin, collected items from the band's earlier active years, as well as contents from their comeback.
Fan meetings were held for Japanese fans at the Yokohama Bay Hall in Kanagawa on July 23 and at the Namba Hatch in Osaka on September 3; all 4, tickets were sold out within a few minutes. Following their Seoul anniversary concert, Sechs Kies held a 20th anniversary concert tour, performing across Korea in Gwangju December 9 , Goyang December 23 to 24 , Busan December 30 , and in Daegu January 6 of the following year.
At the BOF closing ceremony, they received the Legend Star award together with YellowKies, who were awarded "Best Fandom" for their support of the group over the past 20 years. Sechs Kies successfully concluded their 20th anniversary concert in Daegu on January 6. Towards the end of December , a teaser for the film Sechskies Eighteen was released.
Sechs Kies' disbandment was suddenly announced without a clear explanation at the height of their career, resulting in a widespread rumor that disbandment was enforced by DSP. However, each member has talked about the truth of disbandment several times through various media channels. Lee Jai-jin stated similar to the rumor, but other members clearly stated that it was not true. Lee Jai-jin mentioned that what Sechs Kies members wanted was to change their agency and not disband at a Korean variety show in However, he also added that he had disliked the idea of disbandment as well.
Eun Ji-won stated that the disbandment was decided upon agreement by a majority of the members, though Lee Jai-jin was one of the members that stood against the disbandment. Lee Ho-yeon paid him 11 million won as compensation on their behalf. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Sechs Kies. RG YG Family. Further information: Sechs Kies discography. Main article: List of SechsKies concert tours. Main article: List of awards received by SechsKies.
Retrieved 19 January August 20, Archived from the original on April 13, Retrieved February 13, Retrieved December 3, Archived from the original on 19 October Archived from the original on 11 November Archived from the original on 18 November Archived from the original on Retrieved Retrieved 15 February Retrieved 28 May Naver in Korean.
January 1, Retrieved January 1, Arts News. January 22, Archived from the original on 11 August Kang Sung-hoon Ko Ji-yong. YG Entertainment. Yang Hyun-suk. Jeon So-mi Okasian Zion. Ahn Young-mi. Teddy Park production discography Choice Bang Ye-dam. Thus, children's vocabularies are simultaneously overextended and underextended when they learn a new word since they also must learn the relationships that exist between words.
T he second regular pattern in the development of children's vocabulary is the order with which they learn their first words, and the discussion of hyponyms above illustrates part of how children order the development of their vocabularies. Yet another clue to the order of development was given by the psychologist Katherine Nelson , who studied the first fifty words of eighteen children. Most children learn at least fifty words before putting words together.
Nelson discovered considerable consistency in the order children learn their first fifty words: using a six part classification scheme, she observed that children learn nouns earlier than action words and meaningful, content words before grammatical function words. Nelson's complete scheme is. T he discrepancy in favor of nominals may be due to the relative difficulty in understanding and processing action words since action words are abstract, relational words expressing dynamic concepts while nominals can function as names representing static, concrete entities in the child's environment.
Additionally, very young children seem to favor words that have some meaningful "weight" to them like ball , mommy , up rather than words that serve to express some social or grammatical function like mine , no , on. M ost children reach the fifty word threshold quickly and begin combining two words together at about twenty months remember , and at that point there is an explosion of grammatical structure that parallels the explosion of vocabulary. L earning the grammatical structures of language is no less a remarkable achievement than learning the vocabulary is.
Indeed, like vocabulary, the development of grammar need never end since people can continue to learn new grammatical patterns as they learn new styles of speech and writing, new ways to express themselves with flair and emphasis. Many grammatical structures, particularly those involving coordination and subordination, are not fully mastered until adulthood Kies and Y et, as mentioned above, age is a very unreliable measure of language development.
Different children, months apart in age, could both be using two word utterances. Therefore, Brown devised a measure of grammatical development in children independent of chronological or mental age, the notion of Mean Length of Utterance MLU. M LU approximates of the average length of the child's utterance measured in morphemes the smallest meaningful components of words.
Each morpheme contributes a meaningful component to the whole word. Dogs consists of two morphemes, the base morpheme dog and the grammatical morpheme - s , meaning 'more than one'. B rown defined Stage I of grammar development as the period from the appearance of the child's first utterances to an MLU of 2. A t the beginning of Stage I about ten to twelve months of age , the child speaks one word at a time, but by the end about eighteen to twenty-four months , uses predominantly two word utterances.
As mentioned above, the early holophrase consists primarily of nouns and verbs words denoting more concrete physical and motor operations perhaps , while adjectives words denoting more abstract attributes are learned later. F rom the perspective of the adult, there is enormous ambiguity in the child's holophrases. This ambiguity is lessened by the social and situational context, and adults use the context of speech situation to interpret the utterance.
Thus, the child who toddles into the kitchen after playing outside saying milk probably is requesting 'I want some milk' and the adult will respond accordingly. There seem to be three answers, each valid from a different perspective. From a static perspective, simply listing all the overextended words in the child's Stage I speech, it seems that children speak about items of their environment that are perceptually salient appealing to their senses.
Clark could group overextended single word utterances by categories like movement, shape, size, sound, taste, and texture. From the dynamic perspective of dialog, a different picture of one word utterances appears. For most children, the crucial criterion for choosing a word in dialog is informativeness Greenfield and Smith The child will utter the one word that introduces the greatest degree of new information into the speech situation, information that is not known through either earlier dialog or the context of speaking. Consider this dialog between Nigel age eighteen to nineteen months and his parents:.
Notice how Nigel drives the conversation forward by choosing words conveying a relatively high degree of new information. A nother factor influencing word choice at this stage is the child's attempt to express multiword utterances by selecting one word at a time and uttering them sequentially throughout a dialog Bloom , as in this exchange between Liz at nineteen months and her mother:. I t is not difficult, Bloom suggests, to suppose that the child is uttering the multiword message no down; up 'Don't put me down; I want up!
This same strategy will be used at the two word stage to express concepts that otherwise might need a complex clause:. A t Stage II, children are producing two and three word utterances and are between eighteen and twenty-four months old, although there is great individual variation. Stage II often starts with two holophrases uttered in rapid succession, baby and after a short pause car , pointing to a toy. Soon, however, the child is uttering the two words as a single intonation unit. I n fact, prosody is a clear signal that the child has entered Stage II.
Holophrases are articulated with an equal degree of stress on each word, as in DADDY , GO ; by contrast, multiword Stage II utterances are articulated with main stress falling only the word that conveys the highest degree of new information, as in daddy GO. Thus by Stage II, children have learned one part of prosody found in the adult language: stress can make a meaningful difference in speech and usually falls on that element of the message that carries the greatest degree of new information. An agent is the conscious initiator of action, the actor. Indeed, one could rank the elements of Stage II speech according to their relative degree of information value and their relative degree of stress to see the correlation between the two:.
A t the top of the list are utterances like MAMA go as an answer to a question "Who went to the store? At the bottom of the list, the pronoun object 'em conveys a low degree of new information. As in the adult language, pronouns in general refer to items already known to the conversationalists, either through previous dialog "See puppies.
Kiss 'em" or through the context of speaking child walks into the room with a puppy and states "Kiss 'em". In such an utterance, the main stress falls on the verb. Similarly, agents are usually known from the context of speaking. Thus, daddy in "daddy kiss" will convey a low degree of new information, since daddy is known contextually, and the main stress will fall on the verb kiss.
O ne rarely finds grammatical function words in Stage II speech words like prepositions, pronouns, conjunctions, and articles , except for the first person singular pronoun in the objective case, me. If pronouns do appear in Stage II speech, they are more frequently objectives me , him , her , them than subjectives I , he , she , they. Also grammatical word endings do not occur at Stage II word endings like the - ing , - ed , - s endings on verbs or the - s , - 's endings on nouns.
If those endings do occur at this stage, there is no evidence that the child knows their functions; instead, the child seems to treat them as part of the word itself. Early structural studies revealed that some words always appeared in a fixed position. The majority of fixed words occur in the first position of a two word utterance, the remainder always in the second position.
Examples of those fixed words are that , there , allgone , my , dirty , and more. Those fixed words were labelled pivot words Braine because they serve as a fulcrum, a point of departure, for the child's utterances. Dozens of open class words, frequently nouns at this stage, follow to form the two word utterance. The words of the open class but never the pivot class may occur together or alone as holophrases. A schematic rule illustrating the pivot-open grammar of a child's two word utterances looks like.
The rule states that the child's sentence has one of only four possible structures. S tructural studies of children's early grammar created considerable excitement in the s since those analyses suggested that children's early utterances are not random groupings of words. They also suggested that children are not imitating the adult speech they hear around them. Finally, they also seemed to suggest that language learning follows a universal design: just as all children go through a babbling stage and a holophrastic stage, so too do they go through a stage where their speech is constrained by the pivot-open grammar.
C ontinuing research quickly demonstrated, however, that structural descriptions and the pivot grammar above were of limited value. In essence, adding those structures to the possible structure already outlined above, pivot grammars simply say. Such a structural description is worthless; it says nothing new. S econdly, structural descriptions can not capture the meaning of the expression, only its grammatical shape.
Therefore, several people began to explore the child's language from a functional perspective. Studying the functions and uses served by the child's utterances could be the key to understanding how the child is developing grammar form to express meaning content. A pivot grammar assigns the same structural description to both uses of mommy sock , missing the meaningful, functional differences between them.
F ollowing along functional lines, Brown found that seventy percent of the utterances in late Stage I and Stage II could be described by a small set of functional relationships between words:. In a cross-linguistic study of functional relationships, Slobin found that children of approximately the same age from six different languages English, German, Russian, Finnish, Luo, and Samoan expressed similar kinds of meanings at Stage II: utterances were used.
In the first three functions Brown's list and in the fourth function in Slobin's list, one can see the child's earliest attempts to code the functional categories 'agent', 'action', and 'object' into grammatical categories of subject, verb, and object. H alliday provided the most detailed study of language development from a functional point of view. His son Nigel's earliest language expressed seven functions:. Those functions themselves have a developmental course.
Between nine and sixteen months, children employ the instrumental, regulatory, interactional, and personal functions. The heuristic and imaginative functions appear between sixteen and eighteen months, and the informative is added around twenty-two months. Initially, children's utterances express one function, one meaning at a time, but as they develop grammar including vocabulary and engage in dialog, they learn to use language to convey several functions, several meanings simultaneously. By two years of age, some children are well into Stage III, but others will use two word utterances exclusively to age three and sometimes beyond.
A t Stage III the structure of questions and negations evolves. Stage II questions are articulated by rising intonation or by beginning a sentence with a wh word, mommy pinch finger? Stage III witnesses the emergence of grammatical morphemes like auxiliary verbs do and should see the discussion below. The results can be seen in late Stage III questions, did mommy pinch finger?
Likewise, Stage II negations simply add the negative words no , not , never to the beginning of the utterance, no sit there or no dog bite. By Stage III, the negatives too have evolved, there no squirrels or dog no bite. A s one can see, children begin to master word order at Stage III, although they still have much to learn. For example, children commonly interpret the first noun phrase in an utterance as the 'agent' and the second noun phrase as 'object' receiver of the action. Not surprisingly, that is exactly what happens: 'passive' sentences in English express the 'object' before the 'agent' as in Liz was followed by the dog , where dog is 'agent' the actor, the initiator of action and Liz is the 'object'.
Such passive sentences are routinely misinterpreted as 'Liz followed the dog' by children at this stage, even if they understood some passive sentences correctly at an earlier stage. It is as if some developmental limitation, on short term memory perhaps, has been lifted so that the full form, implicit in the early joining stage becomes explicit at the combining stage. Bloom and Brown hypothesized that children's grammar develops either by combining the joining stage functional relations, as in:.
Y et despite these significant grammatical developments, the child's language at Stages II and III is often described as "telegraphic speech" since so many of the words commonly omitted in telegrams are not expressed regularly, for instance put dolly table or there mommy shoe.
In fact, grammatical function words auxiliaries, articles, prepositions, etc and word endings plurals, possessives, progressives, etc are just beginning to appear systematically. B rown studied the order in which children learn fourteen grammatical markers that first appear systematically in Stage III speech: endings of the verb and noun, articles, prepositions, and auxiliary verbs. The patterns of development are remarkably consistent from child to child and even show consistency across languages. The list below ranks the grammatical morphemes in the average order in which they are learned there is some small variation in this order from one child to the next, though the individual differences are slight :.
A common learning phenomenon appearing at this stage is overregularization. The process of overregularization occurs in a sequence of steps actually: first, the child uses the irregular forms correctly dada went. That is not surprising as irregular verbs are among the most common words in speech. In parental speech, irregular forms of past tense are four times more common than regular forms Slobin Second, the child learns the regular ending, - ed in this example, after a few weeks or months as in dada helped.
Third, the child overuses the regular ending overregularization and either abandons the irregular form or the irregular forms coexist with the overregular forms dada goed. Fourth, the child eventually "discovers" the error, slowly "relearning" the irregular endings that seem to have been "forgotten" in the third step. This process of overregularization has been observed in many children speaking many different languages, and it occurs with many different word endings. The major point here is that children do not learn language simply by rote.
Children attend to regularity; they are pattern learners and apply the patterns "creatively. The first complex sentences expand the grammatical object, as in [ I see [ you sit down ]] Limber Square brackets, , are used here to mark the boundaries of each clause in these examples. There is not one example of expansion in the grammatical subject as in [[ To play a clarinet ] is hard ] until age three.
The significance of the complex sentence is its flexibility to package one clause you sit down within another clause I see something. T he second type of complex sentence to appear expands the grammatical object with a wh- clause, as in [ I know [ where he is ]] or [ I saw [ what you did ]]. Relative clauses are third and far less frequent. Early relative clauses always modify nouns functioning as grammatical objects, as in [ see the ball [ that I got ]] or [ I know the boy [ who broke it ]]. E xpansion of the grammatical subject occurs after expansion of the grammatical object is learned.
Soon children are also saying. M any psycholinguists speculate that early complex sentences do not involve grammatical subjects of the main clause because doing so breaks the continuity of the main clause and increases the burden on short term memory. Alternatively, many grammatical subjects in children's utterances are pronouns or proper nouns, which can not be modified by relative clauses. Grammatical objects on the other hand are more frequently common nouns, which can be modified. So in the case of relative clauses at least, the difference in development may simply reflect differences in grammar.
C oordination two or more elements joined by a conjunction like and , but , or appears more frequently at this stage. The earliest coordinated structures imply coordination, as in this list tik-tik, lau-lau, too-too, ka-ka, ba-ba, bow-wow 'sticks, holes, trains, cars, buses, and dogs' and implied coordination is first to appear at the sentence level as well, you lookit book; I lookit pictures.
By Stage III, the child is rapidly learning grammatical morphemes, including conjunctions, so it is not long into Stage IV that the child is coordinating words, phrases, and clauses explicitly, gimme cookies and milk, and I give you a kiss. O nce the child learns subordination and coordination, MLU grows so rapidly that it loses its value as a measure of language development. Stage V three-and-one-half years and beyond sees continued growth at all levels: vocabulary expands enormously; grammatical morphemes are still being learned steadily; language functions change and expand, developing new sentence structures and stylistic patterns appropriate to new speech situations.
B ased on his cross-linguistic study of language development, Slobin developed some generalizations about how children develop their grammar, which he called "operating principles.
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S lobin supported this principle by pointing to languages in which some word endings do not serve any immediately obvious meaningful purpose. For example, German has a system of "grammatical gender" in which the noun girl is neuter! Slobin's principle predicts that systems like grammatical gender will be learned later, since language relates sound to meaning and the meaning of grammatical gender is not immediately obvious. A lthough the discussion so far has emphasized the regularities of language development, there is important variation to consider besides the variation in rate of development.
C ertain children have special needs in developing language. Although speech disabilities such as voice problems, articulation problems, and stuttering have different relationships to other issues of language development, they do concern parents, teachers, and other caretakers alike. Some speech disabilities are often confused with normal stages of development or have their roots in early language development.
C hildren who are deaf are not exposed to oral language, and although they begin to babble at about the same age as hearing children, they stop babbling early and experience great difficulty in learning to speak unless hearing aids correct the hearing loss. Even with a great deal of training, deaf children can not master the natural prosodies of speech.
They tend to have a higher-than-average pitch, speak more slowly, and pause for breath more often. E arly intervention, attempting to amplify whatever hearing the child possesses, offers the most hope for deaf children to develop oral speech. O ral speech is not the only or even primary way for deaf children to communicate: many learn a system of manual communication.
Indeed, several studies have shown that the desire to communicate is so great in many deaf children that they will spontaneously develop their own signs and sign combinations in order to communicate. A revealing example of spontaneous sign language development in children comes from an experiment into the origins of language that one ruler decided to perform, Akbar the Great, Mongol Emperor of India Akbar's experiment is well documented from accounts provided in Campbell and Grieve Akbar imprisoned 20 to 30 children in a house in Faizabad, attended only by silent caretakers, up to the age of fourteen.
On August 10, , Akbar went to see the results of his experiment and found the children to be speechless. However, the account of this experiment by Catrou is intriguing:When these children appeared before the emperor, to the surprise of everyone, they were found incapable of expressing themselves in any language, or even of uttering any articulate sounds. They had learnt, from the example of their nurses, to substitute signs for articulate sounds.
They used only certain gestures to express their thoughts, and these were all the means they possessed of conveying their ideas, or a sense of their wants. Some recent cases bearing similarities to that emperor's experiment has been carefully investigated by Susan Goldin-Meadow, Heidi Feldman, and their collaborators Feldman, Goldin-Meadow, and Gleitman ; Goldin-Meadow The parents of six congenitally deaf children growing up in Philadelphia were told by the school authorities "not to gesture to them formally or informally, lest this interfere with the motivation for acquiring spoken English.
Deprived of speech through their deafness and of sign language through the school's advice, all of those children developed their own gestural communication system with which they communicated to those around them. Their gestural communication had combined sequences of gestures similar to two and three word utterances of hearing children and those combinations had grammatical structures serving the same language functions as hearing children's utterances.
A dditionally, when deaf children learn ASL as their first language, one sees even more similarities in language development. Deaf children will overextend the meanings of first signs. There is an inability to produce first signs perfectly analogous to the imperfect pronunciation of a hearing child's first words. The first signs and sign combinations express the same functional relationships that first words and two word utterances do. T here are differences in language development too between sign languages and spoken languages.
Children seem to learn ASL more quickly: the average age of two sign combinations is fourteen months. One child at eighteen months had signs, while another had signs at three years and signs just four months later! Schlesinger and Meadow M entally retarded children go through the same stages of language development as all children, and their language is exactly like that of other children of the same mental age , which is assessed by comparing motor skills, memory, and so forth. Mentally retarded children express exactly the same set of meanings, they use language for exactly the same functions, but they rate of development is slower.
Severely retarded children sometimes need a year to learn what others do in one month. A s noted above, all children attend to patterns when developing language. There is some evidence that mentally retarded children make many more sets of patterns routines for organizing language as it develops , and those routines seem much more persistent, much more difficult to change. All children, for example, will overregularize word endings at Stage III, learn a pattern and apply it uniformly throughout their language.
In the process, they create "errors" like goed. The retarded child will also learn the pattern, overregularize, and create "errors" of the same kind. However, the retarded child is less quick to abandon the pattern and seems to preserve at least some of the errors well into adult speech in some cases.
T he common, though incorrect, assumption most people make about retarded children's language is that it is an example of "arrested development," that it does not can not change. It does, but at rates very different from those of other children. A lmost half of all speech disabilities involve some sort of articulation difficulty and about ten percent involve stuttering.
Many of the articulation problems are outgrown by age seven or eight. A large portion of the articulation problems that occur are highly systematic, and the most frequent involve front articulation discussed earlier in Sound. T hose sounds are typically the last to be learned by all children, so parents need not be overly concerned by those particular articulation problems.
Many will simply disappear with maturity. Problems that persist beyond age eight are usually dealt with effectively through speech therapy. T he other speech disability, stuttering, seems to be the more serious problem. The fluency of the stutterer is disturbed by blocking, repeating, or prolonging sounds, syllables, words, or phrases. There is some evidence of an inherited basis for stuttering, but environmental factors play a significant role. Children who stutter are made to pay attention to the way they talk by their parents' or teachers' high standards of fluency.
All children and adults repeat words and sounds, hesitate, and do everything the stutterer does, just less frequently. Over eighty percent of all stutterers recover spontaneously, according to Sheehan Their recovery is attributed to their role acceptance as a stutterer, the growth of self-esteem, the development of relaxation, and an understanding of the problem the last is a particularly difficult task for children.
N early everyone knows of the phenomenon called "baby talk," that high pitched, repetitive speech adults slip into unconsciously when they speak to small infants, even though they are sometimes embarrassed to be caught doing it. Thinking of baby talk, one wonders to what extent adults are teaching language to children through such simplified speech.
N early every study of language development has noted that adults and even older children will systematically simplify their speech for young children. The simplifications include:. Furthermore, adults modify their speech not just to simplify but more importantly to involve the child in a language-rich environment in three specific ways. A dults talk to children about the people and items in the current environment which probably explains the infrequent shifts in verb tense. A dults infrequently correct children's speech at all, and when they do they correct the truthfulness of the content more than the form of the expression.
Consider the conversation below where the adult works to correct the content of the child's expression:. T alking about the "here and now" and correcting the content of the child's utterances both show the importance of conversation taking turns in language development. Halliday 30 was the first linguist to explain the real significance of dialog: "Dialogue involves the adoption of roles which are social roles of a new and special kind, namely those defined by the language itself. We may refer to these as communication roles.
Those communicative roles are also the source of role taking in social settings, like 'addressee', 'addressor'. D ialog and the social interaction it entails is so central to language development that during the first months of life adults will act as if burps, smiles, and coos count as taking a turn, as in this proto-dialog between a parent and a two month old infant:. T he fact that adults will simplify or modify their speech for children should not be taken too far. Adults do not simplify their speech to the point that it is identical to the child's.
In fact, children at the two word stage respond better to "Throw me the ball" rather than "Throw ball" Shipley, Smith, and Gleitman Some speculate, therefore, that adults facilitate language development by modeling the language at the next stage of development for the child. It does seem fair to conclude, however, that language directed to the child does play a role in language development, though adults are apparently not teaching the child language in any premeditated way.
T he most common folk explanation for language development is that children learn by imitating the language they hear around them in their own childish way. However, a quick review of the material presented above will reveal that imitation plays little or no role at all. For example, when learning grammatical morphemes, remember, the child overregularizes the endings, producing forms like good-gooder-goodest , putted , taked , etc.
Those forms do not occur in the speech heard by children, yet all children go through a stage in which they create them. Imitation can not explain language development. Instead, psychologists and linguists have looked for more adequate explanations. A lthough the four different explanations theories discussed below are usually thought to be opposed to one another, it is important to recognize that they are truly complementary in many ways.
The two types of explanations are not necessarily in competition; they are about different things. Psychological explanations attempt to model mental processes, those which happen within the children's minds as they learn language; functional explanations attempt to model the social processes involved in learning the first language. E ven different types of psychological explanations can be seen as complementary rather than competitive. Two psychological theories that are usually thought of as opposed to each other are the nativist 'nature' or heredity versus the environmentalist 'nurture' theories.
Environmentalist psychological explanations try to highlight the contribution made by the environment around the child in the developing child's mental processes. Nativist psychological explanations attribute much or all of the child's ability to learn language to an inborn, predetermined language learning capacity. However, there is a middle ground: one can take the position that some elements of human language are innate but that children need a social, language-rich environment to realize their language potential. P sychological explanations of development cover a wide spectrum of opinion.
At one end of the spectrum are the behaviorists and at the other the innatists. B ehaviorism sometimes called learning-theory in a narrow sense of that phrase suggests that language is an immensely complex chain of associations and that learning language is a process of selective reinforcement Skinner Those sounds that are not part of the adult language are not reinforced and eventually disappear from the child's sound repertoire.
This theory stresses the continuity of prelinguistic and linguistic development, for all of language is a set of stimulus-response associations built up over years of trial and error, as in the child's learning to say apple elicits a response of a piece of fruit. H owever, the nature of language itself argues against behaviorism as an adequate explanation. Babbling children's utterances are systematically different from the utterances they hear around them. Furthermore, children overregularize consistently as they learn word endings, creating new construction that they have not heard before nor have been reinforced to produce.
It is difficult for behaviorists to explain such creative learning. E arly nativist theories looked at children's creative errors and reasoned that if one can not explain the phenomena from outside of the child, then the explanation must be within the child. Thus arose the innateness hypothesis suggesting that humans possess a single language acquisition device LAD , genetically endowed within the brains of all humans, storing all of the universal "rules" of language systems Chomsky The language learning processes governed by the LAD were thought to be distinct from any other more general learning process.
It was also hypothesized that the LAD would allow children to infer the entire structure of the language from only a modest amount of speech heard in the environment around them. W hile that notion of a LAD has not been supported by research, one of the associated concepts is still the focus of current research. Comparative cross-linguistic studies suggest that the functional relations and structures of human language discussed above are specifically limited.
Several theorists maintain that those limits set the parameters of what can be a human language. By setting parameters, one can establish a universal grammar UG , and if one could discover the principles of UG, one would know the processes underlying the development of grammar. This position has come to be called the neo-nativist approach Chomsky ; MacWhinney B rown agrees that much of regularities of language development are impressive but does not accept the arguments for innateness:Linguists and psycholinguists when they discover facts that are at all general have, nowadays, a tendency to predict that they will prove to be universal and must, "therefore," be considered innate.
The Stage I meanings have proved to have some generality But not innateness And Piaget has shown that sensorimotor intelligence develops out of the infant's commerce with objects and persons during the first months of life. The cognitive explanation holds that language learning is intimately tied to other, more general learning strategies.
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Piaget, more than any other, has outlined the cognitive processes behind learning Brown alludes to above. Piaget hypothesized that children progress through a series of stages. All children progress through the same stages in the same order, but the rate of development varies. The sensorimotor stage birth to two years focuses on the elements and process of the child's environment. The stage of concrete operations seven to eleven years focuses on expansion of the child's mental systems to order, classify, and arrange experience. Communication roles develop rapidly as the child engages in dialog.
Finally, the stage of formal operations eleven or twelve years of age and on focuses on abstract and hypothetical conditions. The linguistic system continues to expand as the child develops and explores new functions and uses for language Ginsburg and Opper F unctional descriptions of language look at language as a tool of human communication. Whereas psychological explanations emphasis the frequency, rate, and order in which language elements develop, functional explanations highlight the communicative purpose of language elements.
Functional explanations are interesting since they offer some understanding of the communicative purpose of those language elements and can, thus, explain the frequency, rate, and order of language development. F rom a functional perspective, language in children develops from the desire to communicate, to be social. As Halliday 16 describes it:. A s mentioned earlier, Halliday hypothesized that children develop their language potential in three phases:.
P hase I begins when children discover at about nine or ten months of age that the sounds they can articulate have symbolic value can represent people, things, actions, and events in their environment and that there is useful work to be accomplished through those sounds requests, statements, commands, etc.
Halliday dubbed the child's language in Phase I a proto-language since he found no evidence of either grammatical structures or words like those in the adult language. Instead, the proto-language was the child's creation. Beginning in Phase II, the child simultaneously develops a level of form vocabulary and grammatical structure and engages in dialog.
Phase III witnesses the expansion and grammatical encoding of language functions and the expansion of language uses through social interaction. M ost of the theories discussed explicitly or implicitly view language development as a continuous process from the earliest prelinguistic stages to full fluency. Halliday's theory, however, argues for discontinuity between the child's early system and the adult system.
T his summary of research leaves as more questions unanswered than it answers. Here in question form are a few of the areas of on-going work:. T he term 'language acquisition' is widely used to discuss the process of language development that this chapter has explored.
However, the term has not been used much in this chapter deliberately. Halliday 16 describes the educational consequences of this view of language development when he wrote The use of this metaphor has led to the belief of what is known as the 'deficit theory' of language learning, as a means of explaining how children come to fail in school: the suggestion that certain children, perhaps because of their social background, have not acquired enough of this commodity called language, and in order to help them we must send relief supplies.
The implication is that there is a gap to be filled, and from this derive various compensatory practices that may be largely irrelevant to the children's needs. Now this is a false and misleading view of language and educational failure The term 'acquisition', then, fosters a fragmented view of language development that many linguists and educators are now attempting to discourage through an approach to language arts education called "whole language. A s mentioned earlier in this chapter, Cazden , like Halliday , emphasized the importance of social interaction for language development.
Those studies seem to indicate that the kind of discourse with adults that is particularly important involves. Discourse of that kind between child and adult fosters language growth by extending the child's sentences and ideas. Thus, language around the child that is functionally related to observable features of the speech situation is most important to the language development of the child. L ewis Carroll in Alice in Wonderland understood the importance of meaning to children of all ages:.
Children seem to have taken the duchess' advice to heart: most recent research at every level of language study suggests that children are less concerned with "correctness" or with the form of their utterances, and much more concerned with communicating, with being understood, with making meaning de Villiers and de Villiers ; Halliday and All errors, of course, are my responsibility. Take Note!
Language Development in Children